How would WTO brace Donald Trump?

The World Trade Organization (WTO) held the last of its 2024 meetings this week, and for anyone rooting for the institution to conclude long-discussed agreements just ahead of its 30th anniversary, the results were a little hard to watch. Here’s a recap of what came out of gatherings of the WTO’s General Council and its Dispute Settlement Body.

Here’s a recap of what came out of gatherings of the WTO’s General Council and its Dispute Settlement Body:

·        Dispute settlement reform was unresolved and there was a pledge to continue talking next year

·        On the second fisheries agreement, India and Indonesia were granted more time to air their concerns. “Fish 2” was at the decision stage but was demoted to a “discussion” item

·        India, South Africa and Turkey blocked a deal known as Investment Facilitation for Development. That left it short of the needed consensus, even though 126 members backed its incorporation into WTO bylaws

·        Progress was made on two administrative issues: picking dates for the next ministerial conference (March 26-29, 2026, in Cameroon) and approval of WTO Secretariat pension reforms

Newly re-appointed Director General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala tried to maintain a positive outlook, saying she hopes members return in the new year with a “spirit of compromise, ready to do deals.”

For an organization that needs everyone to agree, that’s going to be a challenge when US President-elect Donald Trump takes office January 20, 2025. His threatened tariffs and “America First” trade agenda run counter to the mission of the Geneva based WTO.

Trump promised 60% duties on Chinese imports and at least 10% for the rest of the world. In November, he threatened to impose further 10% tariffs on Beijing and 25% on Mexico and Canada if they fail to stop the flow of fentanyl and undocumented migrants to the US.

All of that violates the commitments that more than 160 nations make to join the WTO, said Bill Reinsch, a Commerce Department official during the Clinton administration and now a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Trump is known to dislike multilateral institutions, having withdrawn the US from a trade deal for the Indo-Pacific, the Paris Climate Agreement and the World Health Organization in his first term.

He could quit the WTO, too. Or he could stay in it, heap more scorn on the rules-based international order and ignore other countries complaining about Washington’s protectionism.

In Trump’s first term, US Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer watched the WTO’s appellate body grind to a standstill by preventing the appointment of new judges as terms expired, leaving it short of the number needed to function.

This week Biden administration delegates blocked a move by 130 WTO member countries that called for a restart of the process to fill vacancies on the appellate body — the 82nd time that that proposal failed.

The outlook for the WTO to free itself of paralysis under the incoming Trump administration isn’t favorable. 

Jamieson Greer, Trump’s nominee for USTR, was a close adviser to Lighthizer. His views on WTO relevancy are unclear, but he did say in testimony in May that “efforts to hold China accountable under WTO dispute mechanisms were largely unfruitful.”

The WTO also irked some Trump allies by accelerating the process this year of approving Okonjo-Iweala for another four-year term at its helm.

That was “almost certainly designed to prevent the incoming Trump administration from having a say in the matter,” said Dennis Shea, Trump’s ambassador to the WTO in his first term.

“The WTO already has diminished reputation in the United States,” he said. “This unprecedented action only diminishes it further.”

According to a Geneva-based trade source, Trump’s name wasn’t mentioned during this week’s General Council session.

Courtesy: Bloomberg

JCPOA no longer relevant, says IAEA chief

Rafael Grossi, the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), has said that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is no longer viable, appearing to place sole responsibility for the 2015 nuclear deal's lame-duck state on Iran.

"The philosophy of the initial JCPOA agreement can be used as a basis, but the agreement itself is no longer necessary," Grossi remarked during his visit to Italy for discussions with the Foreign Ministry. 

The UN nuclear chief pointed out that Iran is now enriching uranium to levels of 60%, a threshold that he said brings the country close to the capability to produce military-grade uranium, which requires enrichment to 90%. "Iran is rapidly approaching the status of a nuclear state," he claimed. 

Grossi omitted any mention of the West's abandonment of the deal, the factor that prompted Iran to curtail some of its JCPOA commitments in the first place. 

The JCPOA was signed in 2015 between Iran and the P5+1 group of countries (the United States, Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and China). It aimed to limit Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for the termination of sanctions.

Washington unilaterally withdrew from the pact in 2018 and re-imposed sanctions against Iran. European signatories to the deal not only failed to take the sting out of US sanctions but also came up with anti-Iran bans of their own. 

Tehran began to scale back on some of its JCPOA commitments in 2020, under a new law passed by the Iranian parliament. 
 

 

 

Iran-China railway link via Afghanistan

The head of the Islamic Republic of Iran Railways (RAI), in a meeting with the head of Afghanistan Railway, said the country is eyeing to connect its railway network to China via Afghanistan.

“Due to the proximity of Iran, Afghanistan, and China, this route (Iran-Afghanistan-China) is the only route that can shorten the transit route and reduce the costs, therefore completing the Herat rail route based on the schedule is very important,” Jabar-Ali Zakeri said in the meeting with Mohammad Ishaq Sahibzadeh.

In this meeting, Zakari stated that Iran is determined to support the development of Afghanistan's railways, noting that the existence of a railway line in the northwest of Afghanistan and the proximity to the common border with Iran is a great opportunity for transit between the two countries.

Referring to the training courses held for Afghan railway employees in the past years, the RAI head emphasized, “According to Afghanistan's request, soon the third training course for Afghan railway employees will be held.”

According to Zakeri, many of the problems faced by the Iran-Afghanistan Railway Consortium have been resolved and, currently, three trains a week are running on the designated route between the two countries.

Further in this meeting, Sahibzadeh also pointed to the growing cooperation between the railways of Iran and Afghanistan, while appreciating the training programs for 96 employees of Afghanistan Railways by Iran Railways.

“Due to the successful holding of the first and second courses, we are now waiting for the third course,” he said.

Sahibzadeh stated that the Khaf-Herat railway project depicts the friendship between the two countries, adding, “We hope that with cooperation, we will see an increase in transit, and as a result, the growth and promotion of trade between the two countries.”

 

Trade in Southeast Asia under Trump

Southeast Asia appears vulnerable to Donald Trump's threat of universal tariffs and a renewed trade war with China. Five of the region's six largest economies run trade surpluses with the United States. According to Nikkei Asia, all is not lost for Southeast Asia. Exports and economic growth would take a hit in the short term, but the region can reap rewards from trade diversion and substitution and might even take a tougher stance against Chinese firms' anticompetitive practices.

Geopolitically neutral, the area saw an increase in gross trade with both China and the US between 2017 and 2020 during the first Trump presidency. Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand won big as companies from China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and the US relocated from China or duplicated their manufacturing bases in Southeast Asia to avoid US tariffs. 

Here's what you need to know: 

What is Trump's tariff threat?

The objective of Trump's stated trade policy is to return manufacturing jobs to the US and disentangle its supply chains from China. Trump and his advisers view China's trade advantage as unfairly derived from currency manipulation, intellectual property theft and forced technology transfers. 

During his first term, Trump used executive powers to impose tariffs of up to 25% on US$250 billion worth of electronics, machinery and consumer goods imports from China. Beijing retaliated with similar measures against US agricultural, automotive and technology exports. 

Now, Trump has proposed a 60% duty on all Chinese goods entering the US and tariffs of up to 20% on imports from everywhere else. That would be done with a mix of executive and legislative tools.

How bad could it be for Southeast Asia? 

Nearly 40% of Cambodian exports go to US, the largest exposure in ASEAN, in terms of proportion of total exports, followed by Vietnam at 27.4% and Thailand at 17%, according to Oxford Economics, putting all three at particular risk. Thanavath Phonvichai, president of the University of the Thai Chamber of Commerce, said Thailand's economy might take a 160.5 billion baht ($4.6 billion) hit if Trump follows through on his promises.

Vietnam has the fourth-largest trade surplus in the world with the US The imbalance grew rapidly as Chinese, Taiwanese and South Korean firms used Vietnam to bypass Trump-era tariffs. Vietnam's fortunes could just as quickly turn, especially if the US continues to classify it as a "nonmarket economy," which tends to entail higher tariffs. 

Uncertainty about Trump's tariffs could prompt firms to pause or stop investment plans in Southeast Asia. US companies accounted for about half of the US$9.5 billion in fixed asset investments in Singapore last year, according to the city-state's Economic Development Board. Prime Minister Lawrence Wong was quick to remind Trump in a congratulatory letter that the US has maintained "a consistent trade surplus" with Singapore. 

Any blow to the Chinese economy will spill over to ASEAN countries that depend on Chinese consumption, export demand and tourism. Weaker appetite for Chinese goods will affect Southeast Asian suppliers of inputs to Chinese producers. Indonesia, Southeast Asia's largest economy, would suffer most because of its 24.2% export exposure to China, mainly of commodities.

Chinese exporters unable to send their wares to the US might divert them to Southeast Asia, where governments have fielded complaints from local producers hurt by dumping of metals, textiles and consumer goods. 

What is the upside for Southeast Asia? 

Southeast Asia's current manufacturing boom began because of the trade war. Analysts expect that, in time, trade substitution and diversion will outweigh the hit to growth. 

"We think an even greater pushback on China could drive more supply chain diversion, with Chinese businesses trading and investing more within Asia," said Jayden Vantarakis, head of ASEAN research at Macquarie Capital. 

The electric vehicle factories that some Southeast Asian governments aggressively courted could provide an economic buffer. "There is also EV demand growing outside the US, so I think there may actually be a net benefit to Indonesia. What will happen is that smaller countries that are trying to become carbon neutral, especially since petrol prices are increasingly expensive, will try to take over the supply and buy more electric cars," said Sumit Agarwal, professor at the National University of Singapore Business School. 

Trump's promised tariffs may provide ASEAN governments with the impetus to impose antidumping tariffs on Chinese goods, as Thailand did with rolled steel this year. Tighter US rules of origin could also give governments an opportunity to ensure that more high-value parts production and assembly are done locally. 

What will happen to Southeast Asian currencies and markets?

Trump's tariffs may ease the pressure on Southeast Asian central banks to further loosen monetary policy.

"Essentially, Trump's victory is inflationary for the world due to his planned tariffs, so the global monetary normalization or easing cycle likely won't be as sharp as previously thought, including in the Philippines," said Miguel Chanco, chief emerging Asia economist at Britain-based Pantheon Macroeconomics. 

Chanco told Nikkei Asia that Southeast Asian currencies will not strengthen as previously expected, due in part to the markets re-pricing the pace of easing by the US Federal Reserve and therefore continuing dollar strength. 

Among the six major Southeast Asian economies, the Thai baht and Malaysian ringgit have been the worst performers since Trump's victory, declining 3.2% and 2.9%, respectively, against the US dollar through Wednesday. 

Thai securities house InnovestX recommended stocks that will benefit from the strong dollar and weak baht. These include companies with significant export revenue like CP Foods and Delta Electronics, or which are involved in tourism, such as Airports of Thailand, property developers and hoteliers. 

How should Southeast Asian economies prepare? 

Governments are already taking steps to reduce their overreliance on either the US or China by deepening relationships with other countries and regions, and stressing their neutrality.

The Philippines sees its trade agreements with the likes of South Korea as a buffer against US shocks. "We want to see many more of these ... bilateral and multilateral agreements, so that we can open up many more opportunities," said National Economic and Development Authority Secretary Arsenio Balisacan. 

Former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has suggested, governments could do more to support local companies investing in the US and other diversified manufacturing bases, as Japan did in 2020 with a US$2 billion program known as the "China exit subsidy." 

That support could include reducing operating and logistics costs, providing trade risk insurance and removing barriers to trade. Amending relevant laws to allow transshipment at Laem Chabang port, Thailand's main export channel, would be an invaluable boost to Thai exporters, said Kongrit Chantrik, executive director of the Thai National Shippers' Council. 

Southeast Asian economies should also focus on building resilience by strengthening intra-ASEAN trade, according to Jaideep Singh, analyst at the Institute of Strategic & International Studies, Malaysia.

"There should be efforts to promote economic integration through reduced non-tariff measures, improved trade facilitation and better coordination of regional value chains," he said.

Similarly, countries like Vietnam could "win brownie points" from Trump by buying aircraft engines or liquefied natural gas from the US, according to VinaCapital chief economist Michael Kokalari. 

But he added that fears are "hyperbolic" about trade under Trump, who visited Vietnam twice in his first term. There are no "significant reservations from American consumers to purchase 'made in Vietnam' products," he wrote. On the contrary, the US cannot re-shore everything, so "Vietnam may be viewed as helpful in [weaning] the US off of low-end China-made goods."

 

World to face oil surplus in 2025

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), Global oil supply will exceed demand in 2025 even if OPEC Plus cuts remain in place, as rising production from the United States and other outside producers outpaces sluggish demand.

The prospect of a more than one million barrels per day (bpd) excess supply - equal to over 1% of world output - is a headwind for OPEC Plus, which comprises the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and allies such as Russia - in its plan to start raising output

Oil demand growth has been weaker than expected this year in large part because of China. After driving rises in oil consumption for years, economic challenges and a shift towards electric vehicles are tempering oil growth prospects in the world's second largest consumer.

"China's marked slowdown has been the main drag on demand," the IEA said in its monthly oil market report.

"Rapid deployment of clean energy technologies is also increasingly displacing oil in transport and power generation, adding downward pressure to otherwise weak demand drivers," the report added.

The Paris-based agency left its 2025 oil demand growth forecast little changed at 990,000 bpd. At the same time, it expects non-OPEC Plus nations to boost supply by 1.5 million bpd, driven by the United States, Canada, Guyana and Argentina - more than the rate of demand growth.

Next year's surplus, as forecast by the IEA, could make it harder for OPEC Plus to bring back production. Earlier this month, OPEC plus again postponed a plan to start easing output cuts amid falling prices.

"Our current balances suggest that even if the OPEC Plus cuts remain in place, global supply exceeds demand by more than one million bpd next year," the IEA said.

Oil prices traded slightly weaker after the report was released, with Brent crude trading below US$73 a barrel.

 

 

 

 

 

China lauds progress in Iran-Saudi ties

The Chinese Foreign Ministry has expressed strong support for the constructive interactions between Saudi Arabia and Iran, emphasizing their role in fostering enduring good neighborly relations.

During a press briefing, Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Lin Jian noted that Saudi-Iran relations have been on a positive trajectory and China appreciates this progress. 

Lin Jian stated that Saudi Arabia and Iran have been engaging in positive interactions at various levels, further solidifying their reconciliation and playing a crucial role in fostering regional peace and stability. 

China remains committed to supporting both nations as they advance together, enhancing mutual trust, and achieving enduring good-neighborly relations and friendship, the spokesman said. 

The remarks come after several high-ranking visits between Iran and Saudi Arabia took place in the past month. 

Iran and Saudi Arabia restored diplomatic ties in March of 2023 under a China-brokered deal. The two West Asian countries have agreed to move towards establishing a security cooperation pact.

 

United States fails in keeping oil prices high

No sooner had OPEC Plus depressed market sentiment by admitting a potential rollover of its cuts into 2025, Iran reemerged as the main talking point of the markets.

Having downplayed the Israeli retaliatory strike, the oil markets are now anticipating an Iranian attack on Israel, using a large number of drones from Iraqi territory.

A semblance of geopolitical risk premium has lifted ICE Brent futures ahead of a particularly jittery week when the United States votes for its president.

OPEC Plus postponed its planned increase of oil production, bringing back the 2.2 million barrel per day output under eight countries’ voluntary cuts, citing concerns about soft oil demand, particularly on the heels of China’s slowing down, as well as rising non-OPEC supply.

In an attempt to retain its share in gas market, the US Treasury announced new sanctions imposed on Novatek’s Arctic LNG 2 liquefaction terminal, Russia’s latest LNG project in the Arctic, targeting construction service provider Smart Solutions and four LNG tankers run by newly created UAE firms.

European majors flock into US gas, Norway’s state oil firm Equinor boosted its portfolio of non-operated US shale assets after it bought EQT’s gas interests in the northern Marcellus basin for US$1.25 billion, taking its stake to 40.7% as most of the assets are still operated by Expand Energy.

In an attempt to diversify its energy supplying countries, China’s top driller locked in Key Iraqi Deal. China’s top upstream firm CNOOC signed an exploration and production contract with Iraq to develop the onshore Block 7, with the state-owned firm holding 100% interest over a massive territory covering more than 6,000 km2 in Diwaniyah province.

Bangladesh: Performance of interim government

Nearly three months have passed that the interim government (IG) has been in charge of a country devastated beyond comprehension. We the mere mortals, struggling to forget the nightmarish 15 years, can be forgiven for nurturing very high expectations from the new dispensation.

It will do us well to remember that the IG is not the caretaker government (CTG) of the past. It is very unique, given the circumstances in which it came to power—a popular youth-led uprising has validated not only the IG’s assumption of power but has also, ipso facto, granted approval for any and all legal actions it undertakes to rectify the damage to the nation’s institutions and agencies. The mutilation done to the nation would require more than run of the mill actions or traditional approach.

In passing it should be stressed that raising the issue of Hasina’s resignation at this point in time is out of place, some may see this as being ulteriorly motivated, and reeking of conspiracy.

It is of no consequence whether a person who assumed power in a dubious manner, was deposed through a popular uprising—there can be no greater mandate than this—and sought exile of their own volition, has tendered an official letter of resignation. We must admit that the president’s recent remarks regarding this have mystified us.

The various reform committee gives us a good idea of the sectoral reforms the IG wants to undertake. Unique situation requires unique response that may not necessarily conform to the normal methods and means of administering a country.

But while the IG goes about fixing things, it should keep the people informed about its policies and plan of action for rectification. The IG should keep in mind that although it is not bound by any timeframe and its framework of reference is very wide, its time limit is also not open-ended. And a “reasonable” timeframe is open to various interpretations. What the IG is doing should also be visible.

The first thing that still needs to be fully addressed is the administration, which seems to be influenced by the lingering presence of the Awami League. Reportedly, many beneficiaries of the past regime continue in important appointments. The longer they stay in the administration the more are the risks they pose to the successful implementation of the IG’s reform plans. The significance of the manufactured unrest in the RMG sector, sabotage of oil tankers, and various demands from different professional groups are well-orchestrated actions to nip the plans of the IG in the bud.

Apparently, it would seem that the administration is not moving fast enough for some quarter’s liking, and a feature post-revolution is the regime of intimidation and coercion imposed on certain quarters. While that is understandable under the circumstances, making haste while sorting out the muck of the last 15 years may be counterproductive.

The public has certain expectations as well as grievances, and some of these are manifested in the student outburst, demonstrated in their siege of the High Court for removal of judges appointed during the Hasina regime where personal fealty triumphed over qualification and merit. The latest outburst is against the person in Bangabhaban for reasons mentioned.

One of the gripes the students have, and justifiably so, is the continuation of some senior bureaucrats who thrived under the Hasina regime, and who were complicit in the destruction of the state institutions and misuse of the state agencies for partisan gains. This goes for all sectors.

The education sector was a target of the students too. But witch-hunting is not the answer. Admittedly, the public universities were caderised from the vice chancellor down to the junior most lecturer. Most of them did not meet the minimum requirements of the post. One might say that it was a long-term plan to destroy the backbone of the nation by destroying the education sector.

It would also seem that the process of accountability is not moving fast enough. One hears the question “Where have all the crooks gone, and how?” Indeed, one may ask, once again, where have all the crooks gone? And by crooks, I mean all those that sought sanctuary inside the safety of the cantonments across the country after the student-led revolution that has been anointed with the very appropriate appellation of Monsoon Revolution, and many others who made good their escape quite a few days after the assumption of office of the IG. In fact, there is a general suspicion that the beneficiaries of the previous government may still be calling the shots.

A passing reference was made to this subject in one of my previous columns, but time has come to accord the issue more than a cursory glance. It is my distinct impression that the matter has been deliberately swept under the carpet hoping that, Bangalee memory being short, the matter would be forgotten. Well, not so soon.

A few questions need to be answered by the relevant individuals in positions of responsibility. Feigning ignorance will not sit well with the common man, who feels that allowing those responsible for bringing so much misery to the people—through wanton loot and plunder, siphoning billions out of the country, and particularly those directly responsible for the deaths of a thousand and the maiming of several times more—soils the blood of the martyrs. They must be held accountable.

Of the 170 million Bangladeshis, only 600 or so sought refuge inside the military establishments. Among them were politicians and senior members of the law enforcing agencies. The question is why. They must have done something wrong that they feared would incur public wrath. In fact, these were the people who would have left the country sooner but somehow couldn’t. Some of their cleverer and smarter colleagues had abandoned the Awami League boat no sooner than they realized that it had started taking in water.

In fact, abandoning the followers and leaving the country furtively for safer places during hard times has been the hallmark of the party leadership. History will bear out my comments. Therefore, to see the leader living up to the party tradition after August 05 was not a surprise.

My question is, in the future, will highly secured places within the country be used as sanctuaries for those responsible for killing democracy, looting public wealth, and committing the kinds of misdeeds that those seeking protection in the cantonments are alleged to have committed? Additionally, we are still at a loss to explain how many of these individuals managed to leave the country and who guaranteed them a safe exit.

The ultimate goal is to hold a participatory all-inclusive and acceptable election. Having said that, holding elections without fixing the systemic aberrations would take us back to square one. That would denigrate the sacrifice of the martyrs of the Monsoon Revolution. And it shall not be allowed to happen.

 Courtesy: Daily Star

China cuts key mortgage rate

According to South China Morning Post, China announced on Monday it had slashed a key reference rate for mortgage loans by a quarter of a percentage point, as the country stepped up efforts to stabilize the property market.

The benchmark five-year loan prime rate (LPR) was lowered to 3.6% from 3.85%, while the one-year lending rate was also cut to 3.1% from 3.35%.

For Chinese households with mortgage loans of 1 million yuan (US$140,000), the monthly instalment payment would be reduced by around 141.5 yuan (US$19.9) after the cut to the five-year LPR.

The move was expected as central bank governor Pan Gongsheng had said at a financial forum on Friday that lending rates would decrease by between 20 to 25 basis points.

The rates were last cut in July.

“The rate cut is broadly in line with market expectations,” said Zhang Zhiwei, president and chief economist at Pinpoint Asset Management.

“It is an encouraging sign that the monetary policy is moving in the right direction to fight deflation.”

The move came as Beijing has taken an all-out effort to drive up the struggling property market.

Speaking at a press conference on Thursday, the housing ministry said it would double the credit to white list property projects to 4 trillion yuan by the end of the year and renovate 1 million units in urban villages.

“The monetary policy has clearly shifted to a more supportive stance since the press conference on September 24. The real interest rate in China is too high,” Zhang added.

Analysts expected more rate cuts in the coming quarters, after Pan indicated on Friday plans to further cut the reserve requirement ratio – the amount of cash that commercial banks must hold as reserve – for banks.

“But this is unlikely to boost loan demand much,” said Huang Zichun, an economist at Capital Economics, who noted weak credit demand as the main constraint.

“And without a rebound in inflation, which we don’t foresee, real lending rates will remain restrictive unless policy rates are cut by a lot more.

“The heavy lifting will need to come from fiscal policy.”

 

Who will be the next prime minister of Japan?

With nine candidates, Japan's ruling party holds its most crowded leadership race ever on September 27, 2024. Among those running for Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) president are two women. Many of the candidates have served as defense and foreign ministers as well as in other senior government and party positions. The winner will be rubber-stamped as Japanese prime minister when parliament reconvenes in early October.

A million local LDP supporters, representing less than 1% of the Japanese population, will have the same say as the LDP's 368 party legislators in the initial round of voting. But as no candidate is expected to secure a majority at that stage, the vote of the legislators will then gain much more weight in a runoff between the two frontrunners.

While the LDP sees the leadership race as a way to choose the face of the party ahead of an expected general election in coming weeks, other parties are not just standing by. The main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party has scheduled its own leadership election on September 23. In addition, LDP coalition partner Komeito recently changed its leader for the first time in 15 years.

Five of the LDP's six intraparty factions, which played an influential role in previous presidential elections, have decided to dissolve in the wake of a political funding scandal that came to light late last year. With factional control thus weakened, it has become easier for candidates to enter the leadership contest. The winner will succeed Fumio Kishida and be appointed Japan's 102nd prime minister at the Diet, where the party holds the most seats in both the upper and lower houses.

The result of the vote could bring a generational change. At 43, former environment minister Shinjiro Koizumi is a prominent candidate. As well as being the son of Junichiro Koizumi, one of Japan's best-known prime ministers internationally, Koizumi would become the country's youngest prime minister since the 19th century.

Japan could also have its first woman prime minister, with two female members of Kishida's cabinet standing, including Economic Security Minister Sanae Takaichi.

Former LDP Secretary-General Shigeru Ishiba is making fifth try for the top job, receives a lot of backing from local LDP supporters. 

Former defense minister Shigeru Ishiba ranked the best choice to lead the party, overtaking Shinjiro Koizumi in a recent opinion poll conducted after the nine candidates were confirmed. Hawkish Economic Security Minister Sanae Takaichi, who sees herself as an heir to former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, ranked third among all survey respondents.

Sanae Takaichi is the most popular choice among stock market pros to become Japan's next leader, according to a monthly survey. Takaichi led the poll with 29% of responses, as market participants were hopeful the lawmaker would pursue economic policies similar to "Abenomics" -- those of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. 

Former Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba proposed US military bases in Okinawa prefecture be managed jointly with Japanese forces, saying so in a public forum among all candidates. The security discussion comes as China ramps up military pressure on Taiwan and expands its maritime presence in the East and South China seas.

 Courtesy: Nikkei Asia

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sri Lankan go to crucial poll today

Sri Lankans are going to the polls to elect a president today (Saturday), at a time when the country is struggling to emerge from the worst economic crisis it has faced since gaining independence in 1948.

Sri Lankans have suffered a turbulent few years. Fed up with severe shortages of essentials such as food and medicines, and lengthy power cuts, they took to the streets for months in 2022. Those protests culminated in the storming of the presidential palace in July that year, forcing former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country.

United National Party's Ranil Wickremesinghe assumed the presidency then and is standing as an independent now. He faces three other main competitors -- National People's Power (NPP) candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Samagi Jana Balawegaya's (SJB) Sajith Premadasa and Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna's Namal Rajapaksa, scion of the powerful family that had dominated the nation's politics for over two decades.

Here are four things to know about the election:

What is the key issue on voters' minds?

Top of voters' concerns is economic stability and growth. The 17.1 million registered voters want to know how to improve their financial health and the plans the next government has to target the corruption they blame for their misery. Although shortages have eased, Sri Lankans still face high costs of living and a squeeze on public spending as the Wickremesinghe administration restructures the country's debt to meet conditions laid out by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a bailout. Sri Lankans largely blame the Rajapaksas for the state of the economy. The Supreme Court ruled late last year that Gotabaya and Mahinda Rajapaksa were among 13 former leaders guilty of economic mismanagement that led to the crisis.

Who are the main candidates?

A total of 38 candidates have entered the race, although there are only four main contenders. Antiestablishment opposition parliamentarian Dissanayake, leader of NPP, an alliance of left-leaning groups, has captured the imagination of many voters.

Competing with him is another parliamentary opposition leader, Premadasa, leader of SJB, a center-left alliance.

The main candidates have assured voters they will not tear up the IMF's economic recovery blueprint, but voters are wary of the austerity measures required for Sri Lanka's US$3 billion bailout. As such, many are leaning toward positions offered by Dissanayake and Premadasa to tweak the IMF's benchmarks to provide economic relief to impoverished millions.

Premadasa told The Associated Press that his party was already in discussions with the IMF to ease the tax burden on the poor.

Trailing them are two candidates who are considered pillars of the status quo and seemingly out of step with the public: the incumbent Wickremesinghe and Namal Rajapaksa, nephew of Gotabaya and son of another former president, Mahinda.

Some, however, credit Wickremesinghe for stabilizing and even growing the economy. Sri Lanka reported on September 13 that its economy expanded 4.7% year-on-year in the April quarter.

Saturday's election will also bring Sri Lanka's strategic location into sharp focus, as Asian rivals India and China have stakes in the outcome.

A victory for Dissanayake, whose main constituent party has Marxist and revolutionary roots, is expected to pave the way for Beijing to regain some of the foothold it has lost to New Delhi during the Wickremesinghe presidency.

India, according to Colombo-based diplomatic sources, prefers a Premadasa presidency.

How will the winner be decided?

Voter turnout for presidential elections typically hovers in the healthy 70% range, sometimes higher. Traditionally, voters choose one of two main candidates. The candidate with the majority of votes -- 50% plus one vote -- will be named president. This time, though, there are four main competitors, meaning a scenario could arise in which no one candidate reaches the majority threshold. As such, voters are asked in this election to mark the numbers 1, 2 and 3 against their top three choices. In the event no one wins a majority, the election will go to a second round, which only involves an additional count. The two candidates with the most votes in the first round will be pitted against each other. Ballots that had either one of them as their second or/and third choices will be added to their tallies. The one with the highest total will win the election. There is no time limit for the second round.

Why is there anxiety about the transition of power?

Concerns about a smooth transition of power have once again emerged, as they did after previous polls. Sri Lankans are worried that any period of political uncertainty after a potential second round could leave room for exploitation by political opportunists within the incumbent government.

Courtesy: Nikkei Asia

 

 

 

China Prompts Oil Price Crash

The marked shift in oil sentiment recently has been to a great deal prompted by a widespread concern of Chinese demand peaking this or next year as LNG displaces diesel in long-haul trucking, EV sales overtaking conventional cars since July and rail expansion eating into jet fuel recovery.

Chinese refinery runs have been declining for five straight months, with the National Bureau of Statistics reporting throughput rates at 13.91 million b/d in August amidst a widespread decline in Shandong teapot runs, as low as 55% last month. 

Meanwhile, Asian refiners’ margins slumped to the lowest seasonal levels since 2020 as high inventories of diesel and gasoline become an increasingly worrying factor as peak summer demand tapers off.

China’s clampdown on tax evasion is aggravating the pressure on refiners after a Shandong court ruled two refiners run by state-owned firm Sinochem, the Huaxing and Zhenghe plants totalling 220,000 b/d in capacity, fully bankrupt. 

No war between China and Malaysia

The mere mention of the South China Sea these days conjures up an image of confrontation between China and rival claimants, military or otherwise. So many heads were turned following a leak of a diplomatic note from China to the Malaysian Embassy in Beijing calling on Kuala Lumpur to stop all drilling in the South China Sea. But we should not deduce that the Sino-Malaysian relationship is about to go south, argues Phar Kim Beng.

This is for several reasons, such as the two sides having developed the necessary channels of communication to handle friction, and that Malaysia has been the coordinator of the China-ASEAN relationship since last August.

This is illustrated by Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim taking to using the word "discussion" to replace "negotiation" with China. While this does not hint at any short or long term solutions, neither is it a sign of China and Malaysia engaging in a war of words, let alone their militaries coming to blows.

China oil imports from Iran surge to 1.75 million bpd

According to reports, Chinese import of Iranian oil has reached a record of 1.75 million barrels per day (bpd) in August. The current figure has surpassed the previous peak of 1.66 million bpd achieved in October 2023 and is almost 50% higher compared with 1.24 million bpd in July.

Shipments into Rizhao and Dalian are significantly higher month on month, said Muyu Xu, an analyst with Kpler

“Chinese teapots see refining margins slightly improving, they now have stronger motivation to ramp up production and therefore need more feedstock,” she said.

Flows into Lanqiao/Rizhao and Dalian almost doubled compared to the previous month to 342,000 bpd and 132,000 bpd, respectively.

Oil from Iran has become the cheapest option for Chinese buyers, even more than Russia and more independent refiners are seeking barrels from the OPEC producer to boost their margins, said traders who participate in the market.

Iranian Light was last offered at a discount of US$6.0 a barrel to ICE Brent, they added, compared with a discount of less than a dollar for comparable crude from Russia.

Importers registered in China’s Shandong province were the biggest buyers of Iranian crude - masking as Malaysian - accounting for over 70% of the volume, according to customs data. Overall, eight Chinese regions including Liaoning and Henan took oil from the Southeast Asian nation, the most since October 2023.

Earlier this month, Reuters reported that Iran has also been expanding its oil destination markets as the country is pushing to send more oil to the global markets in an attempt to neutralize Western sanctions.

Iran has sent shipments of crude oil to new destinations such as Bangladesh and Oman, according to shipping sources and data cited by Reuters.

Oil sales are Iran's major revenue source and the country has been looking for ways to sidestep US sanctions on its crude exports that former president Donald Trump re-imposed in 2018 over Tehran's nuclear program.

Iran, which is exempt from output quotas set by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), is striving to maximize production and exports.

Former Oil Minister Javad Oji said in July that Iran was selling crude oil to 17 countries, including those in Europe, according to Mehr News Agency.

In one new trade, the Golden Eagle tanker sailed near the port of Chittagong in Bangladesh earlier this year after receiving oil from another vessel that loaded it from Iran’s Kharg Island according to available evidence based on shipping data, Claire Jungman, from US advocacy group United Against Nuclear Iran, told Reuters.

The Golden Eagle offloaded parts of the cargo to smaller tankers in ship-to-ship transfer operations around Chittagong in April, said Jungman, whose organization tracks Iran-related tanker traffic via satellite data.

The shipment to Bangladesh was separately confirmed by another oil export tracking source.

An official with state-owned Bangladesh Petroleum Corporation, which operates the country's main refinery, said it did not buy the cargo and it was difficult to establish who the buyer was.

Yuan attains record share in global payments

According to the South China Morning Post, share of Chinese yuan in global payments hit a record high in July 2024, a milestone in Beijing’s efforts to fend off the hegemony of the US dollar and increase its say in the global monetary system.

The yuan kept its fourth-place spot in the ranking of payment currencies last month, with its share of global transactions rising to 4.74% from 4.61% in June. The increase was observed in data from the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (Swift), the world’s largest interbank messaging service.

It was the ninth consecutive month the Chinese currency has stayed above 4%.

Swift payment data is a major indicator for the relative status of international currencies. Other metrics include frequency of use in foreign exchange markets, commodity trading and governments’ foreign reserves.

The data shows the value of payments settled in yuan increased by 13.4% as compared to June, outpacing the 10.3% growth recorded across all currencies.

The world’s second-largest economy first encouraged the use of its currency in international trade settlements in 2009, part of its response to the global financial crisis.

Yuan usage has been on the rise since Russia was ejected from the US dollar system after its invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. A vast majority of China and Russia’s US$240 billion trade last year was settled in either yuan or roubles.

Beijing’s policymakers have continued to promote the yuan as an alternative currency in international trade, as the perceived weaponisation of the US dollar against Russia has sent chills through emerging markets. In response, countries such as Brazil have expressed a greater openness to accepting Chinese currency.

“Despite depreciation pressures, the yuan’s internationalization has advanced this year, with its overseas use on the rise,” said Ding Shuang, chief Greater China economist at Standard Chartered Bank.

Standard Chartered’s renminbi globalization index, which also tracks the yuan’s international use, continued to grow this year after a strong 33 per cent% increase in 2023 in alignment with Swift data.

The yuan surpassed the Japanese yen as the world’s fourth most active currency in global payments in November 2023, following the US dollar, euro and pound sterling.

In July 2024, the US dollar accounted for 47.8% of global payments, followed by the euro at 22.5% and the pound sterling at 7.0%, Swift data showed.

The yuan also secured the No. 2 position in the trade finance market with a 6% stake, higher than the euro’s 5.8% and second to the US dollar’s considerable share of 83.2%.

As the Global South looks to avoid overreliance on the US dollar amid rising geopolitical tensions, Ding said, the yuan is well-positioned to expand its global role.

But he also pointed out the inherent difficulty of further breakthroughs after the yuan’s internationalization reaches a certain level, considering the state of the country’s capital controls.

“To strengthen confidence in the yuan, the currency’s exchange rate but also the openness of cross-border capital flow must play a role,” he said, stressing the latter was not being prioritized sufficiently by Beijing.

“Currently, China is more focused on stability amid growing external uncertainties. But in the long term, Beijing will need to further relax its controls over capital accounts.”

 

Bangladesh: Yunus faces a rough terrain

Nobel Peace Prize-winning economist Muhammad Yunus has become the leader of Bangladesh's caretaker government on August 08, 2024 following weeks of turmoil that began when student-led protests rose up against the government and climaxed with the dramatic resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

As Yunus and the interim government have tough work ahead to quell social unrest, they also have to deal with mounting expectations for structural reforms and prepare for free and fair elections to be held sometime soon.

Who is this Nobel Prize winner, what sparked the rage that chased away Hasina and how are neighboring countries reacting?

Yunus is best known for his work with Grameen Bank, which traces its origins to small unsecured loans he began making to poor families in 1974. Hasina saw this champion of the underclass as a political threat, indicting him on what many saw as a long history of trumped-up charges.

Bangladesh was under the firm grip of Hasina until a few weeks ago. With her now out of the country, many citizens are waking up to a hopeful future for "a new Bangladesh" under the nonpartisan interim government headed by an 84-year-old economist, despite a series of economic challenges and the lingering effects of unrest.

Hasina enjoyed a good relationship with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. But in the wake of her resignation and fleeing the country, uncertainty hangs over the two nations. As India's biggest South Asian trading partner, Bangladesh has received much investment from its neighbor, politically and financially

Hasina had recently signed a slew of economic, trade and public health agreements with China. With the countries also having elevated their relationship to a "comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership," how will Beijing find working with the next government?

For Yunus, who will lead the caretaker administration, the first and most urgent task will be to reestablish the rule of law.

However, the bigger and more difficult tasks will be to prevent interference of United States and continue to receive aid/ financial support from China and Russia.

Yunus has to quickly come up with a “home grown plan” to break the IMF shekels. The largest source of foreign exchange for Bangladesh is “textiles and clothing” and the major buyers are United States and members of European Union, who may opt for pressure tactics to keep Bangladesh away from China and Russia.

Trans-Caspian International Transport Route

Reflecting new geopolitical and economic realities

The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict and security issues in the Red Sea due to Houthi attacks have pushed European countries to seek alternative trade routes to China, avoiding Russia, the Red Sea, and the Suez Canal.

The focus has shifted to the Middle Corridor, or Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR), a key land-sea-rail trade route linking China with Europe.

In 2023, China was the EU's third-largest export partner and a major source of imports. Germany, France, and the Netherlands lead in EU exports to China.

The Middle Corridor spans 4,256 kilometers and includes both land and sea routes. It starts in Kashgar, China, travels through Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan to Türkmenbaşy on the Caspian Sea, and then moves through Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey before reaching Europe.

This route is faster compared to the Northern Corridor through Russia, which covers about 10,000 kilometers and takes 15 days, whereas the Southern maritime route via the Red Sea and the Suez Canal is around 20,000 kilometers and takes 45-60 days.

The World Bank reported an 88% increase in cargo volume on the TITR in early 2023, highlighting its growing importance.

Central Asia, a geostrategic hub, has been bolstering infrastructure and aligning with China and the West for investment and development.

The region's significance has grown, especially after the United States withdrawal from Afghanistan and increased competition among Russia, China, the United States, and the European Union. President Biden's meeting with Central Asian leaders in September 2023 underscored this shift.

The US is promoting the C5+1 Dialogue to exploit the region’s mineral wealth, while Japan is also increasing its engagement, with plans for a summit in August 2024 and potential projects in renewable energy.

The EU, a major donor and investor in Central Asia, has intensified its involvement as the region seeks to diversify from Russia and China.

In June 2023, EU President Charles Michel visited Kyrgyzstan for the Second EU-Central Asia Summit, and in June 2024, Kyrgyzstan signed the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA) with the EU.

This agreement, replacing the old Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, aims to deepen ties in trade, investment, and various sectors, reflecting new geopolitical and economic realities.

Is there any similarity between toppling of Hasina and Imran regimes?

According to my friend Muda Guppa, on Monday Sheikh Hasina prime minister of Bangladesh relinquished power that reminded a planned non-confidence move against ex-prime minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan. 

The only difference was that a member National Assembly, Shehbaz Sharif, became prime minister for the remaining term, whereas in Bangladesh chief of army became head of the government for the interim period till new elections are held.

Muda insisted that in change of regime in Bangladesh and Pakistan, United States played a key role, and the architect of change in regimes in both the countries was Donald Lu, US assistant secretary of state.

In the recent past I have been taking about three types of countries which United States hates.  During her three regimes Hasina made Bangladesh from strong to stronger, evident from GDP growth rate and foreign exchange reserves held by the country.

However, Bangladesh was lured to approach IMF for a bailout package.

Muda insisted that United States was not happy with Hasina due to her tilt towards China, which has been mediating between countries having long history of animosity. United States believed the restoration of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran would weaken its influence in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA).

It is on record that Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates (UAE) refused to join a naval task forces led by United States and some of the European countries to take action against Houthis of Yemen.

In the saga, India played the role of most trusted friend of Hasina, it took her out of Bangladesh and provided a safe haven.

Muda believes that the whole controversy started when students demanded to end the quota system for the children of those who had fought against Pakistan Army.

Therefore, India has to arrange for a safe exit of Hasina. She and her father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman played a key role in turning East Pakistan into Bangladesh.

 

Outlook for BRICS Common Currency

The prime objective of formation of BRICS, in my opinion, is to “end the US hegemony by getting rid of involvement of US currency in trade and above all US dominated settlement system”. It is not an easy task because creation of an alternative currency and dependable settlement system is a mammoth job, especially because United States would not like to see end to its hegemony.

De-dollarization of the global financial system is the long-term goal of the bloc amid Western economic sanctions on several members. For example, Saudi Arabia and the UAE might face rising pressures to sell oil to China and India in a currency acceptable and dependable. Trade in general is set to be increasingly carried out in the bloc’s currencies. Nonetheless, a common BRICS currency is not an easy task given the Gulf countries’ heavy links with the West and the Petrodollar, large economic disparities among members, and the strength of the Western financial system. 

BRICS economies will remain heterogeneous, with marked differences in their stage and pace of development, and in economic size and structure. For example India, Egypt and Ethiopia will grow at the fastest rates, boosted by great catch-up potential. China will benefit from its high-tech manufacturing sector. Non-oil diversification strategies will buttress activity in Saudi Arabia and the UAE. In contrast, Brazil, Iran, Russia and South Africa are set to grow at underwhelming clips due to lackluster progress on structural reforms. 

The western analysts believe, “Expansion will bolster the BRICS geopolitical significance—provided the group can reconcile its internal tensions—and its combined economic muscle, but the direct economic impact will be small. The BRICS group is unlikely to become a solid geopolitical and economic construction, regardless of how many bricks are added to the wall.” 

 The biggest agreement is, “Despite some pressure, the Petrodollar will remain the preferential currency for trade. A greater role of BRICS and other emerging markets in global trade may create more natural demand for alternatives to Petrodollars, but this has not happened so far. The higher share of CNY in trade invoicing doesn’t seem to be dethroning Petrodollar, but rather pushing out second tier developed market FX, such as GBP. One direction in which Petrodollar could be challenged given the geopolitical confrontation is the higher focus of BRICS trade on other emerging market economies.” 

China brokered Hamas-Fatah deal

According to Saudi Gazette, Palestinian factions including rivals Hamas and Fatah have signed an agreement on ending division and strengthening Palestinian unity in Beijing.

The announcement followed reconciliation talks hosted by China involving 14 Palestinian factions starting Sunday, according to China’s Foreign Ministry, which comes as Israel wages war against Hamas in Gaza and as Beijing has sought to present itself as a potential peace broker in the conflict.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said the agreement was “dedicated to the great reconciliation and unity of all 14 factions.”

“The core outcome is that the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) is the sole legitimate representative of all Palestinian people,” Wang said, adding that “an agreement has been reached on post-Gaza war governance and the establishment of a provisional national reconciliation government.”

It was unclear from Wang’s comments what role Hamas, which is not part of the PLO, would play in such an arrangement, or what the immediate impact of any deal would be. The talks were held as the future governance of Palestinian territories remains in question following Israel’s repeated vow to eradicate Hamas in response to the group’s October 07 terrorist attack on its territory.

The PLO is a coalition of parties that signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1993, and formed a new government in the Palestinian Authority (PA).

Fatah dominates both the PLO and the PA, the interim Palestinian government that was established in the Israeli-occupied West Bank after the 1993 agreement known as the Oslo Accords was signed. Hamas does not recognize Israel.

There is a long history of bitter enmity between Hamas in Gaza and Fatah. The two sides have tried – and failed – multiple times to reach an agreement to unite the two separate Palestinian territories under one governance structure, with a 2017 agreement quickly folding in violence.

The PA held administrative control over Gaza until 2007, after Hamas won the 2006 legislative elections in the occupied-territories and was expelled from the strip. Since then, Hamas has ruled Gaza and the PA governs parts of the West Bank.

At a press conference Tuesday in Beijing, Hamas delegation representative Mousa Abu Marzook said they had reached an agreement to complete a “course of reconciliation,” while also using the platform in Beijing to defend the group’s October 07 attack on Israel.

“We’re at a historic junction. Our people are rising up in their efforts to struggle,” Abu Marzook said, according to a translation provided by China’s Foreign Ministry, adding that the October 07 operation had “changed a lot, both in the international and regional landscape.”

Beijing has not explicitly condemned Hamas for its October 07 attack on Israel.

Tuesday’s agreement follows an earlier round of talks between Hamas and Fatah hosted by Beijing in April.

Since the start of the war in Gaza, China – which has looked to bolster its influence and ties in the Middle East in recent years – has presented itself as a leading voice of the countries across the Global South decrying Israel’s war in the enclave and calling for Palestinian statehood.

Chinese leader Xi Jinping in May called for an international peace conference during meetings with leaders from Arab nations and has also dispatched a special envoy to the Middle East to meet with diplomats and officials.

Observers have questioned the extent of Beijing’s geopolitical clout in a region where the US has long been a dominant power, but China surprised many last March when it played a role in brokering a rapprochement between longtime rivals Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Those efforts have been broadly seen as part of Beijing’s push to position itself as a geopolitical heavyweight with a different vision for the world from the United States.

Tuesday’s agreement was also inked as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is in the US for a highly anticipated visit in which he will meet top US officials and address Congress.

Israel launched its military operations in Gaza following Hamas’ October 07 attack that killed more than 1,100 people and saw roughly 250 others kidnapped. Around 39,000 Palestinians have died in the conflict, which has triggered a mass humanitarian crisis and widespread destruction.

Hamas and Fatah had signed a reconciliation agreement in Cairo in October 2017 under pressure from the Arab states, led by Egypt. Under the deal, a new unity government was supposed to take administrative control of Gaza two months later, ending a decade of rivalry that began when Hamas violently evicted the Palestinian Authority from Gaza in 2007.

But the deal’s lofty aspirations quickly collapsed. When Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah visited Gaza in March 2018, he was the target of an assassination attempt when a bomb detonated near his convoy. Hamdallah’s Fatah party immediately blamed Hamas for the attack.

Hamas and Fatah sign agreement in Beijing ‘ending’ their division, China says

According to Saudi Gazette, Palestinian factions including rivals Hamas and Fatah have signed an agreement on ending division and strengthening Palestinian unity in Beijing.

The announcement followed reconciliation talks hosted by China involving 14 Palestinian factions starting Sunday, according to China’s Foreign Ministry, which comes as Israel wages war against Hamas in Gaza and as Beijing has sought to present itself as a potential peace broker in the conflict.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said the agreement was “dedicated to the great reconciliation and unity of all 14 factions.”

“The core outcome is that the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) is the sole legitimate representative of all Palestinian people,” Wang said, adding that “an agreement has been reached on post-Gaza war governance and the establishment of a provisional national reconciliation government.”

It was unclear from Wang’s comments what role Hamas, which is not part of the PLO, would play in such an arrangement, or what the immediate impact of any deal would be. The talks were held as the future governance of Palestinian territories remains in question following Israel’s repeated vow to eradicate Hamas in response to the group’s October 07 terrorist attack on its territory.

The PLO is a coalition of parties that signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1993, and formed a new government in the Palestinian Authority (PA).

Fatah dominates both the PLO and the PA, the interim Palestinian government that was established in the Israeli-occupied West Bank after the 1993 agreement known as the Oslo Accords was signed. Hamas does not recognize Israel.

There is a long history of bitter enmity between Hamas in Gaza and Fatah. The two sides have tried – and failed – multiple times to reach an agreement to unite the two separate Palestinian territories under one governance structure, with a 2017 agreement quickly folding in violence.

The PA held administrative control over Gaza until 2007, after Hamas won the 2006 legislative elections in the occupied-territories and was expelled from the strip. Since then, Hamas has ruled Gaza and the PA governs parts of the West Bank.

At a press conference Tuesday in Beijing, Hamas delegation representative Mousa Abu Marzook said they had reached an agreement to complete a “course of reconciliation,” while also using the platform in Beijing to defend the group’s October 07 attack on Israel.

“We’re at a historic junction. Our people are rising up in their efforts to struggle,” Abu Marzook said, according to a translation provided by China’s Foreign Ministry, adding that the October 07 operation had “changed a lot, both in the international and regional landscape.”

Beijing has not explicitly condemned Hamas for its October 07 attack on Israel.

Tuesday’s agreement follows an earlier round of talks between Hamas and Fatah hosted by Beijing in April.

Since the start of the war in Gaza, China – which has looked to bolster its influence and ties in the Middle East in recent years – has presented itself as a leading voice of the countries across the Global South decrying Israel’s war in the enclave and calling for Palestinian statehood.

Chinese leader Xi Jinping in May called for an international peace conference during meetings with leaders from Arab nations and has also dispatched a special envoy to the Middle East to meet with diplomats and officials.

Observers have questioned the extent of Beijing’s geopolitical clout in a region where the US has long been a dominant power, but China surprised many last March when it played a role in brokering a rapprochement between longtime rivals Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Those efforts have been broadly seen as part of Beijing’s push to position itself as a geopolitical heavyweight with a different vision for the world from the United States.

Tuesday’s agreement was also inked as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is in the US for a highly anticipated visit in which he will meet top US officials and address Congress.

Israel launched its military operations in Gaza following Hamas’ October 07 attack that killed more than 1,100 people and saw roughly 250 others kidnapped. Around 39,000 Palestinians have died in the conflict, which has triggered a mass humanitarian crisis and widespread destruction.

Hamas and Fatah had signed a reconciliation agreement in Cairo in October 2017 under pressure from the Arab states, led by Egypt. Under the deal, a new unity government was supposed to take administrative control of Gaza two months later, ending a decade of rivalry that began when Hamas violently evicted the Palestinian Authority from Gaza in 2007.

But the deal’s lofty aspirations quickly collapsed. When Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah visited Gaza in March 2018, he was the target of an assassination attempt when a bomb detonated near his convoy. Hamdallah’s Fatah party immediately blamed Hamas for the attack.