Geo Politics in South Asia and MENA
Friday, 13 November 2026
Microsoft Outage: Full Dress Rehearsal or Cyberattack?
Thursday, 12 November 2026
Nvidia's AI empire stumbles over Huang's human error
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Jensen Huang, the cofounder and chief executive of Nvidia,
who has basked in the spotlight of the AI boom, has come crashing down from
center stage in the global tech industry. Allegations have emerged that Huang had an intimate
relationship with a woman suspected of being a Chinese spy. Exposure of
another relationship - this time with a company executive - has added to the
scandal. Nvidia's board announced on Thursday that Huang has resigned as
president, CEO and board member, effective immediately. It's like a plot from a James Bond movie. A rock-star CEO
who built the world's most powerful chip company finds himself at the heart
of an espionage scandal involving cutting-edge AI technology, one of the most
sensitive battlegrounds in the US-China rivalry. The timing could hardly have been more dramatic.
Democrats, who have taken an increasingly tough stance toward Big Tech and
tech billionaires, have just won control of both chambers of the US Congress.
Meanwhile, President Donald Trump, who has maintained close ties with Huang,
has spoken out in support of him since the scandal broke. Next week, Trump is
scheduled to meet Chinese President Xi Jinping during the APEC summit. With
so many developments converging at once, it is hard not to wonder whether the
timing is entirely coincidental. |
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Nvidia and Huang have become virtually synonymous. The
company's public image centers on its charismatic leader in a black leather
jacket. Nvidia, which designs the world's most advanced AI chips, is one of
the most important customers of Taiwan's TSMC, Asia's largest tech company by
market capitalization. Huang has frequently visited Taiwan and other parts of
Asia, solidifying strong relationships with the region's leading tech
executives. If Nvidia loses momentum without Huang's leadership, the
consequences for Asia's technology supply chains could be profound. His departure could also give China's semiconductor
companies a chance to gain ground, potentially shifting the balance of tech
power between the US and China. Nvidia shares plunged following news of Huang's scandal.
Nvidia is much more than a chip designer. The company has also become
something of a central bank for the AI industry, providing massive funds to
leading AI startups and cloud computing companies that, in turn, purchase its
chips. This has made Nvidia a crucial source of capital and
confidence for the broader AI ecosystem. The sudden loss of Huang,
effectively the governor of this AI central bank, could raise fresh questions
about the sustainability of the AI-driven stock market boom. That said, despite Huang's departure, Nvidia's financial
performance is unlikely to suffer any immediate direct impact, as global tech
giants remain heavily reliant on the chip giant's dominant market share in
advanced AI semiconductors. However, it's difficult to overstate the consequences of
losing such an iconic leader. If Nvidia loses its way without Huang at the
helm, the fallout could spread far beyond the company itself in the
not-too-distant future, affecting the global technology industry, geopolitics
and financial markets. Courtesy: Nikkei Asia |
US-Iran War: Why Saudi Arabia Has Become the New Target?
There are two important developments worth examining. First,
Israel stopped its attacks on Iran, and Donald Trump also announced a halt to
US attacks. However, the conflict has not formally ended, and Washington
continues to keep its military options open.
Second, the narrative surrounding Houthi attacks on Saudi
Arabia, particularly allegations concerning the holy cities of Mecca and
Medina, appears to be gaining prominence. Saudi authorities have reported
missile and drone interceptions, including in the Mecca region. The Houthis,
however, have denied targeting the holy cities and maintain that their
operations are directed against strategic and military installations.
An important question arises: why does the confrontation
appear increasingly concentrated on Saudi Arabia? There have been no comparable
reports of Houthi attacks on other GCC countries or US military bases hosted by
them. This apparent selectivity deserves closer examination.
My concern is that the regional narrative may be undergoing
a subtle but significant transformation. For years, Washington and its allies
have projected Iran as a greater threat to regional stability than Israel. Now,
the growing focus on Houthi attacks against Saudi Arabia risks shifting
attention away from the original US-Israel-Iran confrontation.
There is another dimension that cannot be ignored; Saudi
Arabia's oil exports. Attacks or threats against its oil infrastructure,
particularly the East-West pipeline and export facilities, could undermine the
Kingdom's economic interests and disrupt global energy supplies. The Houthis
have claimed attacks on such installations, although individual claims require
independent verification. The Kingdom emerges as the principal target of a
wider strategy disrupting Saudi oil exports?
This is not a conclusion to be drawn lightly. However,
Riyadh must carefully assess whether the conflict is merely changing its
battlefield or whether Saudi Arabia itself is becoming the new center of
gravity.
Wednesday, 11 November 2026
Making the US a Welcome Guest in Pakistan
I would, however, like to submit a few considerations for her
attention.
Pakistan shares borders with Afghanistan, Iran and India.
Unfortunately, border crossings with the three neighbours have remained closed
for extended periods at different times. While such closures are frequently
attributed to cross-border terrorism and security concerns, their economic and
humanitarian consequences deserve equal attention. The closure of the Afghan
border, for instance, disrupts transit trade and, more importantly, the
movement of perishable fruits and vegetables, causing substantial losses to
farmers on both sides of the border.
Similarly, US sanctions on Iran have constrained Pakistan's
access to potentially low-cost Iranian gas, including the proposed onward
supply to India. Pakistan also offers transit facilities for goods destined for
Central Asian markets through Iran. During the recent US-Israel war on Iran,
transit movements remained suspended for an extended period, highlighting the
vulnerability of regional trade to geopolitical tensions.
There is also an apparent imbalance in Washington's regional
priorities. While the United States regards India as a major trading partner,
Pakistan has traditionally been viewed primarily as a frontline ally in the war
against terrorism, particularly in Afghanistan. This perception deserves reconsideration.
The United States is a major destination for Pakistan's
textiles and clothing exports. Yet, American investment in Pakistan's textile
and clothing industry remains relatively modest. Greater US entrepreneurial
participation could help Pakistan move towards greater value addition,
modernization and stronger industrial competitiveness.
Finally, the continuing conflict in Pakistan's neighbourhood
is contributing to rising anti-American sentiment. This is an important
consideration that should not be overlooked.
I sincerely hope Ambassador Baker will view these
submissions as an opportunity to broaden bilateral engagement. A relationship
based on mutual economic interests, regional stability, trade and investment,
rather than security considerations alone, would serve both countries better.
Making the United States a welcome guest in Pakistan
requires understanding Pakistan's concerns as much as expecting its
cooperation.
Give Eisenkot a Chance to Prove He Enjoys Majority
The October 27 election did not give Netanyahu's political
alliance the parliamentary majority required to form a government. Moreover,
some of his traditional allies have distanced themselves from him. In contrast,
Gadi Eisenkot received recommendations from 67 members of the 120-member
Knesset, against 46 for Netanyahu. President Herzog subsequently entrusted
Eisenkot with the responsibility of forming the next government.
The question is why should there be any hesitation in
allowing the parliamentary process to take its course?
I have two fundamental reasons for opposing Netanyahu's
continuation in office. First, his political alliance failed to secure a
majority, while several former allies have reconsidered their association with
him. Second, he faces international allegations of war crimes, including an
International Criminal Court arrest warrant, besides ongoing corruption
proceedings at home. These circumstances raise serious questions about his
political legitimacy and the credibility of his leadership.
I may not be an ardent supporter of Gadi Eisenkot, nor am I
suggesting that he has an easy task ahead. His ability to bring together
ideologically divided political groups remains uncertain. However, uncertainty
about his ability to secure a working majority cannot be a legitimate reason to
deny him an opportunity.
The right to elect a government rests with the elected
representatives of the people. The President's constitutional responsibility is
to facilitate this process, not to influence its outcome in favour of a
particular individual.
Eisenkot should be allowed to negotiate, demonstrate his
support and seek the confidence of the Knesset. If he succeeds, he should
become Prime Minister. If he fails, the constitutional process provides for the
next course of action.
Democracy cannot be selective. Keeping Netanyahu in office
merely because some influential quarters prefer him would undermine the very
institution that the President is expected to protect.
Justice delayed is justice denied. Israel's elected
representatives, not external preferences or political pressure, must decide
who governs the country.
Tuesday, 10 November 2026
US Must Shift from Escalation to Diplomacy
According to media reports, the US Air Force relocated ten
refuelling aircraft from RAF Mildenhall in England to Germany, Spain and
Scotland. Osprey transport aircraft were also moved to another nearby base.
Security at two British air bases was reportedly raised to the second-highest
threat level in the US military's protection system.
Although British authorities have maintained that there is
no immediate or direct threat to these installations, the American decision to
reposition military assets speaks for itself. This is not simply a routine
movement of aircraft. It reflects growing concern about the vulnerability of US
military infrastructure.
One wonders what has triggered such anxiety. Iranian
aircraft, drones and missiles are unlikely to reach British military bases.
However, the threat should not be assessed exclusively in terms of geographical
reach or conventional military capability. Iran may have developed asymmetric
capabilities that can disrupt navigation, communications and other critical
systems over considerable distances.
If Iran can interfere with aviation and navigation systems
beyond the immediate theatre of conflict, even the most sophisticated American
military aircraft could become vulnerable. Modern warfare is no longer
determined exclusively by the range of missiles or the number of aircraft
deployed. Electronic warfare, cyber capabilities and disruption of critical
infrastructure can neutralize expensive military hardware without physically
destroying it.
The repeated relocation of American aircraft from British
bases should therefore be viewed as a warning rather than an isolated security
precaution. Washington must recognize that further escalation could expose its
military assets, weaken its international standing and undermine its claim to
be an invulnerable superpower.
Donald Trump must reconsider his strategy. Instead of
committing additional resources to an increasingly unpredictable confrontation,
he should declare a unilateral ceasefire and open the door to meaningful
diplomacy.
There is no merit in escalating a war that is increasingly
exposing the limitations of American military power. Knowing when to stop is
also a demonstration of leadership.






