Suez Canal revenues to rise by 27% for financial year ending June 30, 2022

According to Finance Minister Mohamed Maait of Egypt, Suez Canal revenues are expected to rise to US$7 billion for the financial year 2021-22 ending on June 30, 2022, up 27% from US$5.5 billion for the last year.

Calendar year 2021 saw canal revenues hit a record US$6.3 billion, up 13% from US$5.6 billion seen in 2020.

The canal is the fastest route between Europe and Asia, and despite a 10% increase in toll rates implemented in March 2022, still saves shipping lines potentially hundreds of thousands of dollars in time and fuel, compared to sailings around the Cape of Good Hope.

Asian ship owners have been among the most vocal to complain about the toll hike, in addition to tariff increases introduced at the beginning of February this year.

Seatrade Maritime News calculates a 9.4% rise in fees for a southbound transit by a standard dry bulk vessel, as well as a similar increase in rebate, as of today, as compared to rates in November 2020.

Egypt mobilized public support for a widely subscribed national public debt program to finance a US$8.5 billion canal expansion, finished in 2015. Completion of further works is expected next year.

With container shipping lines reporting profits of around US$190 billion last year, US$60 billion in the first quarter of 2022, Egypt can be expected to maintain the pressure on toll rates for some time to come.

Despite the fact that tourism flows to Egypt declined by 35% due to the Russian invitation of Ukraine, Maait expects tourism revenues to hover around US$12 billion by the end of the financial year.

The canal, as well as tourism receipts are important to Egypt’s GDP, which the International Monetary Fund expects to reach US$435.6 billion in nominal terms in 2022.

The Asian Shipowners’ Association (ASA) member hit out at recent proposed toll changes at both the Panama Canal and Suez Canal.

At a meeting on April 18, 2022, ASA delegates noted the significance of the Suez and Panama canals as critical global infrastructure and called for the canals to avoid “sudden and significant” changes in tolls and charges.

“Delegates expressed their confusion against new surcharges introduced on March 01, 2022 with only 48 hours prior notice, then to be revised on May 01, 2022 by the Suez Canal Authority (SCA), which resulted in roughly a 7% to 20% toll increase for many types of vessels, in addition to a 6% tariff hike for most types of vessels, implemented on February 01, 2022,” said ASA.

Uncertainty around how surcharges operate could undermine the stability of the Canal, said the committee, calling for the industry to express its concerns to SCA.

ASA delegates some positives in the Panama Canal’s new toll system proposed earlier in April 2022 by the Panama Canal Authority (ACP). Delegates said the ACP had given sufficient notice and a formal consultation period, but were concerned that significant toll hikes could affect the long-term viability of the canal, “as the mark-up for some types of vessels may exceed 100% in 2025, compared with the current toll.”

The ASA meeting also discussed the review of anti-trust exemptions for carriers on the US, a policy delegates said was “indispensable for the healthy development of the liner shipping industry and the maintenance of a reliable service to the entire trading community.” ASA will continue its efforts to maintain anti-trust exemptions for liner shipping agreements.

 

Record barrels of Russian oil floating in seas

According to a Reuters report, some 62 million barrels of Russian crude oil are floating in vessels at seas, as traders struggle to find buyers.

The United States and other countries have banned imports of Russian crude and oil products alleging its invasion of Ukraine and others have avoided acquiring cargoes out of fear of future sanctions. The European Commission is considering an embargo of Russian oil.

The volume of Urals crude oil on the water is triple the pre-war average, even as Russian seaborne oil exports fell to 6.7 million barrels per day (bpd) in May, down about 15% from the 7.9 bpd in February this year.

"The headline numbers, showing Russian exports are still relatively strong, don't tell the full story," said Houston-based energy strategist Clay Seigle. "Russian oil at sea is continuing to accumulate."

The number of Urals cargoes at sea with no set destination is 15% of the total, also a new high, Seigle added. Some of the oil could be in transit to undisclosed buyers, while others could be unsold cargoes.

Most barrels of Russian crude oil have headed to Asia, mainly India and China, while volumes to Europe have also ticked up ahead of a ban

China a key buyer

China is quietly ramping up purchases of oil from Russia at bargain prices, according to shipping data and oil traders who spoke to Reuters, filling the vacuum left by Western buyers backing away from business with Russia after its invasion of Ukraine in February.

The move by the world's biggest oil importer comes a month after it initially cut back on Russian supplies, for fear of appearing to openly support Moscow and potentially exposing its state oil giants to sanctions.

China's seaborne Russian oil imports will jump to a near-record 1.1 million barrels per day (bpd) in May, up from 750,000 bpd in the first quarter and 800,000 bpd in 2021.

Unipec, the trading arm of Asia's top refiner Sinopec Corp, is leading the purchases, along with Zhenhua Oil, a unit of China's defense conglomerate Norinco, according to shipping data. Livna Shipping, a Hong Kong-registered firm, has also recently emerged as a major shipper of Russian oil into China, the traders said.

These firms are filling the hole left by western buyers after Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which Russia calls a "special military operation."

The United States, Britain and some other key oil buyers banned imports of Russian oil shortly after the invasion. The European Union is finalizing a further round of sanctions, including a ban on Russian oil purchases. Many European refiners have already stopped buying from Russia for fear of running afoul of sanctions or drawing negative publicity.

Vitol and Trafigura, two of the world's biggest commodity traders, phased out purchases from Rosneft, Russia's biggest oil producer, ahead of an EU rule that came into effect on May 15 barring purchases unless "strictly necessary" to secure the EU's energy needs.

The situation began taking a drastic turn after the exit of Vitol and Trafigura that created a vacuum, which could only be filled by companies that can provide value and are trusted by their Russian counterparts.

The low price of Russia's oil – spot differentials are about US$29 less per barrel compared with before the invasion, according to traders - is a boon for China's refiners as they face shrinking margins in a slowing economy. The price is well below competing barrels from the Middle East, Africa, Europe and the United States.

QUAD slams coercive attempts to alter status quo in Indo-Pacific

In unprecedentedly strong language, the leaders of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) expressed opposition to coercive, provocative or unilateral actions that seek to change the status quo in the Indo-Pacific.

The joint statement, issued after the leaders of Japan, Australia, India and the United States met for a summit in Tokyo on Tuesday, did not mention China by name, but the finger-pointing was clear.

The leaders were less clear when it came to Russia. The joint statement avoided blaming Russia directly for the war in Ukraine and only described the situation there as a ‘tragic crisis’.

The nuanced position reflected the difficult position of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has so far avoided tarnishing India's long-standing friendship with Moscow. In his opening remarks, Modi said a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific is a shared objective of all of us, but did not mention Russia or Ukraine.

US President Joe Biden, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, new Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Modi met for two hours at the Japanese Prime Minister's office for the fourth summit of the group and their second in-person meeting, after one in Washington last September.

The attendance of Albanese, sworn in just a day earlier, reflected how prominent a platform the QUAD has become since the four countries formed an unofficial core group to lead the international assistance after the 2004 Sumatra earthquake.

"Since we last met in person in September, an incident that overturns the rules-based international order has happened the Russian invasion of Ukraine," Kishida said in introductory remarks. "It is a blatant challenge to the principles set in the United Nations charter. We must not allow the same thing to happen in the Indo-Pacific."

Albanese, who was offered the opportunity to speak first after Kishida, said, "My government is committed to working with your countries and we are committed to the Quad.

"The new Australian government's priorities align with the QUAD agenda, taking action on climate change, and building a stronger and more resilient Indo-Pacific region through better economic security, better cybersecurity, better energy security and better environmental and health security," Albanese said.

Biden said that the world is navigating a dark hour in our shared history, in reference to the Ukraine war. This is more than just a European issue. It's a global issue.

"As long as Russia continues the war, the United States will work with our partners to help lead a global response because it's going to affect all parts of the world," Biden said.

Meanwhile, Modi commended the group's coordination in areas such as coronavirus vaccine delivery and climate actions, and said: "The QUAD has a constructive agenda for the Indo-Pacific, which will further strengthen its image as a force for good."

A joint statement issued after the meeting indirectly slammed China's actions in the East and South China seas.

"We strongly oppose any coercive, provocative or unilateral actions that seek to change the status quo and increase tensions in the area, such as the militarization of disputed features, the dangerous use of coast guard vessels and maritime militia, and efforts to disrupt other countries' offshore resource exploitation activities," it said.

The leaders agreed to hold the next in-person summit in Australia next year.

India's role in the regional security landscape is becoming more critical, after the border clashes of June 2020 made India's military one of the very few to have faced the Chinese People's Liberation Army on the field in recent years.

The QUAD summit comes three months after Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which has raised concerns in Asia about unilateral changes to the status quo.

India has historically had strong defense ties with Russia and abstained from United Nations votes against Moscow, taking a stance distinct from other QUAD members. As such, how the four QUAD nations will unite and align over the pressing security issues will be closely watched.

Shamshad Ahmad Khan, an Assistant Professor of International Relations at the BITS Pilani Dubai Campus, said the QUAD summit is taking place at a time when the Russian onslaught in Ukraine continues, North Korea is planning another missile test, experts in strategic circles are speculating on a Ukraine-type invasion of Taiwan by China, and Beijing's expansionist designs are a cause of security concerns for Japan and India.

Khan said China remains the biggest geopolitical challenge for India but added that given the economic interdependence of the two countries, they are involved in a dialogue to resolve their boundary issues.

"India is not likely to aggressively counterbalance China, and that is visible when you see the QUAD taking up softer security issues, climate change, vaccine diplomacy, while the newly formed AUKUS alliance of Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States aims to take up increasing defense cooperation to counterbalance China, he told Nikkei Asia.

Srikanth Kondapalli, a professor of Chinese studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, agreed that India sees Beijing as its biggest geopolitical challenge but took a different view on economic interdependence.

The professor said that India - which is estimated to grow at a rate of about 8% in the ongoing financial year - has received only US$8.2 billion investment from China. "That is quite a ridiculous amount," he said, observing that in contrast Beijing has invested a whopping US$52 billion in Pakistan, whose economy is going through a crisis.

At the QUAD, the leaders discussed a new maritime initiative called the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA), which will connect existing surveillance centers in India, Singapore, the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu to share information and monitor activities on the sea.

"This addresses a real need and something that the administration has heard a true demand signal from almost across the region ... The ability to know what is happening in countries' territorial waters and in their exclusive economic zones," a senior US administration official told reporters.

After the summit, the leaders held an event to open applications for the Quad Fellowship, which will sponsor 100 American, Australian, Indian, and Japanese students to study in the US for graduate degrees in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields.

The QUAD meeting came on the last day of Biden's five-day Asia trip, which will likely be remembered for the president's bombshell statement on Monday that the US would be willing to use force to defend Taiwan.

On Tuesday, Biden was asked by a reporter if the policy of strategic ambiguity toward Taiwan was dead. He responded, "No."

Asked to elaborate, the president said "No," again.

Asked whether he would send troops to Taiwan if China invaded, Biden only noted, "The policy has not changed at all. I stated that when I made my statement yesterday."

 

Gwadar: The Gateway to CPEC

The initiatives in the domain of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) undertaken by China Overseas Ports Holding Company (COPHC) and other Chinese firms in Gwadar are appreciable and are aimed at the right direction. 

Effective development communication and positive engagement with local communities is critical for the effectiveness and long-term success of these projects. 

All stakeholders should devise a mechanism for an integrated socio-economic development strategy and ensure inclusion of the hopes and aspiration of the inhabitants of Gwadar vis-à-vis China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

This was the crux of a two-day media conclave and roundtable conference titled ‘CSR Initiatives in Gwadar: The Gateway to CPEC’ co-organized by Institute of Policy Studies (IPS), Islamabad and the University of Gwadar in collaboration with COPHC, Gwadar Port Authority (GPA) and Gwadar Development Authority (GDA) in the strategic port town.

Speaking on the occasion, Jawad Akhtar Khokhar, Advisor, Maritime Affairs, Ministry of Planning, Development & Special Initiatives gave a detailed overview of the development projects in Gwadar under various modalities and highlighted the CPEC projects in Gwadar worth US$2.1 billion so far.

He said so far three projects worth US$314 million have been completed. These projects included Gwadar Smart Port City Master Plan, physical infrastructure of Gwadar Port and Free Zone Phase-1, and Pak-China Technical and Vocational Institute.

Another seven projects worth US$1.44 billion are under implementation process. These projects include Eastbay Expressway, which is almost complete; facilities of fresh water treatment, water supply and distribution, which are 70% cent complete; New Gwadar International Airport; Pak-China Friendship Hospital Gwadar; infrastructure of Gwadar Free Zone Phase-II; 300 MW coal power plant and 1.2 million gallons’ desalination plant.

Khokhar said under the short-term strategy the prioritized projects include provision of water in three months and electricity in five months for Gwadar, Trading Corporation of Pakistan has been authorized to import one-third cargoes at Gwadar; and completion of M-8 motorway. Highlighting long-term strategy, he said the government is aiming to build LNG and POL terminals at Gwadar port and ensure availability of electricity, water and gas to enable phase-2 expansion of the port.

Naseer Khan Kashani, Chairman, Gwadar Port Authority (GPA) stressed the importance of bringing the locals together through CSR.  “We must prioritize people over infrastructure development. Drinkable water and electricity is the top priority of the authorities in Gwadar”, he stated.

Kashani said a desalination plant of about 1.2 million gallons would become operational in six to eight months that would provide drinkable water for the locals. Moreover, the newly inaugurated state-of-the-art Pak-China Vocational & Technical Training Institute will provide three years’ training to local youth, which is a big contribution by our Chinese friends, he added. “Chinese authorities have also recently provided 3,000 solar panels to the poorest of the poor in Gwadar for the provision of electricity,” he informed.

While delivering the keynote speech, Zhang Baozhong, Chairman COPHC spoke at length about the experiences of his seven-year stay in Gwadar. “We are cognizant of the fact that Gwadar deserves more rapid development to live up to the expectations of the local people. There is no denying the fact that it has developed much during the past seven years”, he remarked. 

He stated three reasons for the promising prospects of Gwadar: 1) cooperation of the Gwadar people, 2) its vast resources, and 3) its strategic location. “The inhabitants of Gwadar deserve respect and development according to their rightful demands”, Baozhong underscored.

“We are sending 20 students to China on scholarships every year. We have been running a primary school here for the last five years and soon we will construct a secondary school as well. More than 6000 solar panel units have been distributed among the people of Gwadar so far, and around 500,000 trees have been planted,” Shahzad Sultan, Country Head Marketing of COPHC informed while providing details of the CSR initiatives.

Chairman IPS Khalid Rahman highlighted the concept of CSR and elements that can improve the lives of the local inhabitants. “We must have solution-oriented recommendations, not problem-oriented,” he said adding that positive thinking and improvement in governance will bring a huge change in the life of the people of Gwadar. “CSR activities do not mean spending a share of your profit, it’s about creating an environment which is not harmful for the society in any way,” he added.

Professor Dr. Abdul Razzaq Sabir, Vice Chancellor, University of Gwadar, in his welcome address earlier appreciated the initiatives of IPS for identifying challenges in the area. He said giving back to the society is the biggest responsibility of corporate sector. Working on development of human resources should be the biggest priority of the government and private sector. As Gwadar is expanding after development of the port, it is important to learn from China’s experience and expertise through student exchange program. “We must train our youth to become productive elements of Gwadar.”

He was of the view that CSR must be defined in local perspective. Local issues could be considered to resolve people’s genuine and basic issues and problems through CSR initiatives. He emphasized that engaging local community and civil society could result in better planning, befitting solutions and better implementation with local wisdom and participation.

Dr. Rashid Aftab, director Riphah Institute of Public Policy (RIPP) commented that reservations of locals must be addressed with evidence-based data sharing with all relevant stakeholders.

Dolat Khan, Registrar, University of Gwadar and Arsalan Ali, Head of Investments, Gwadar Development Authority (GDA) also spoke on the occasion. Media conclave and roundtable conference was attended by a number of senior journalists and academics from Karachi, Islamabad and Gwadar. The delegates also visited China-Pakistan Vocational and Technical Training Institute and other sites under CSR to witness the pace of progress. They interacted with the local students and teachers to observe their views.

State Bank justifies hike in interest rate

The Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) of State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) believes that the hike of 150bps on May 23, 2022 together with ‘much needed’ fiscal consolidation, should help moderate demand to a more sustainable pace while keeping inflation expectations anchored and containing risks to external stability.

It believes the headline inflation is likely to increase temporarily and remain on the higher side in FY23, but expects it to fall to 5% to 7% range in FY24, assuming moderating growth, normalizing global commodity prices and base-effect. NCPI currently is at a 2 year high driven primarily by perishable food items and core inflation. Nevertheless, central banks globally are responding to inflation.

Despite some respite in MoM current account deficit, the Rupee has remained under pressure due to the weak sentiment and a strengthening US dollar. Exports have continued their growth momentum along with robust remittances.

Moreover, growth in imports has been generally driven by crude oil, food items and chemicals including vaccines FY22 TD. Slight drop in volumes recently has been partially offset by higher oil and edible oil imports and higher international prices.

Pakistan is in a comfortable position to meet external financing requirements for FY23. Gross financing needs for Q4FY22 and FY23 stand at US$45 billion. Financing is available to the tune of US$51 billion – large part of which is multilateral loans. Pakistan expects a rollover of US$2.3 billion loan from China. 

Discussions with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) are progressing well in Doha. However, delays might occur given that the budget for FY23 is also part of the ongoing discussions. The IMF requires ‘political assurances’ which may not preclude a caretaker setup from negotiating the program as well. The IMF has negotiated with caretaker setups in other countries in past.

The incumbent coalition government headed by Shehbaz Sharif is keen on continuing with the low-cost housing schemes. However, given the need for fiscal consolidation lending targets assigned to commercial banks for lending to private developers etc. might be reviewed.

The MPC also emphasized the need for strong and equitable fiscal consolidation to complement monetary policy measures.

 

 

State Bank of Pakistan raises policy rate by 150bps to 13.75 percent

In its meeting on May 23, 2022, the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) decided to raise the policy rate by 150 basis points to 13.75%. This action, together with much needed fiscal consolidation, should help moderate demand to a more sustainable pace while keeping inflation expectations anchored and containing risks to external stability.

Since the last MPC meeting, provisional estimates suggest that growth in FY22 has been much stronger than expected. Meanwhile, external pressures remain elevated and the inflation outlook has deteriorated due to both home-grown and international factors.

Domestically, an expansionary fiscal stance this year, exacerbated by the recent energy subsidy package, has fueled demand and lingering policy uncertainty has compounded pressures on the exchange rate. Globally, inflation has intensified due to the Russia-Ukraine conflict and renewed supply disruptions caused by the new Covid wave in China.

As a result, almost all central banks across the world are suddenly confronting multi-year high inflation and a challenging outlook.

After contracting by 0.9% in FY20 in the wake of Covid, the economy has rebounded much more strongly than anticipated, growing by 5.7% last year and accelerating to 5.97% this year, as per provisional estimates. At 13.4%YoY, headline inflation unexpectedly rose to a two-year high in April and has now been in double digits for six consecutive months.

Inflation momentum was also elevated, at 1.6%MoM, and core inflation rose further to 10.9% and 9.1% in rural and urban areas, respectively. On the external front, notwithstanding some encouraging moderation in the current account deficit during April, the Rupee depreciated further due both to domestic uncertainty as well as recent strengthening of the US dollar in international markets following tightening by the Federal Reserve.

The MPC’s baseline outlook assumes continued engagement with the IMF, as well as reversal of fuel and electricity subsidies together with normalization of the petroleum development levy (PDL) and GST taxes on fuel during FY23. Under these assumptions, headline inflation is likely to increase temporarily and may remain elevated throughout the next fiscal year. Thereafter, it is expected to fall to the 5 to 7% target range by the end of FY24, driven by fiscal consolidation, moderating growth, normalization of global commodity prices, and beneficial base effects.

Considering the balance of risks around this baseline, the MPC felt it was important to take effective action to anchor inflation expectations and maintain external stability. In addition to today’s policy rate increase, the interest rates on EFS and LTFF loans are also being raised.

Going forward, to strengthen monetary policy transmission, these rates will be linked to the policy rate and will adjust automatically, while continuing to remain below the policy rate in order to incentivize exports. At the same time, the MPC emphasized the urgency of strong and equitable fiscal consolidation to complement today’s monetary tightening actions. This would help alleviate pressures on inflation, market rates and the external account.

Real sector

Unlike most emerging markets, Pakistan experienced a relatively mild contraction after the Covid shock in 2020, followed by a sustained and vigorous rebound. As a result, output is now above its pre-pandemic trend, such that tightening of macroeconomic policies that is necessitated by the presently elevated pressures on inflation and the current account is also warranted from the perspective of demand management. Most demand indicators have remained strong since the last MPC—including sales of POL and automobiles, electricity generation, and sales tax on services—and growth in LSM accelerated in March. Both consumer and business confidence have also ticked up. With the output gap now positive, the economy would benefit from some cooling. On the back of monetary tightening and assumed fiscal consolidation, growth is expected to moderate to 3.5% to 4.5% in FY23.

External sector

The current account deficit continues to moderate. In April, it fell to US$623 million, less than half the average for the current fiscal year, on the back of lower imports and record remittances. Based on PBS data, the trade deficit shrank by 24% relative to its peak last November. These developments are in line with SBP’s projected current account deficit of around 4% of GDP this year.

Next year, the current account deficit is projected to narrow to around 3% of GDP as import growth continues to slow with moderating demand and the recent measures taken by the government to curtail non-essential imports, while exports and remittances remain resilient.

This narrowing of the current account deficit together with continued IMF support will ensure that Pakistan’s external financing needs during FY23 are more than fully met, with an almost equal share coming from rollovers by bilateral official creditors, new lending from multilateral creditors, and a combination of bond issuances, FDI and portfolio inflows.

As a result, excessive pressure on the Rupee should attenuate and SBP’s FX reserves should resume their previous upward trajectory during the course of the next fiscal year.

Fiscal sector

Instead of the budgeted consolidation, the fiscal stance in FY22 is now expected to be expansionary. At 0.7% of GDP, the primary deficit during the first three quarters of the year compares unfavorably with the primary surplus of 0.8 percent of GDP during the same period last year. This slippage was driven by a sharp rise in non-interest expenditures, led by higher subsidies, grants and provincial development expenditures.

The resulting demand pressures have coincided with the sharp rise in costs from the surge in global commodity prices, exacerbating inflationary pressures and the import bill. Timely action is needed to restore fiscal prudence, while providing adequate and targeted social protection to the most vulnerable. Such prudence enabled Pakistan’s public debt to decline from 75% of GDP in FY19 to 71% in 2021 despite the Covid shock, in sharp contrast to the average increase of around 10% of GDP across emerging markets over the same period.

Monetary and inflation outlook

In nominal terms, private sector credit growth remained robust through April, reflecting strong economic activity and higher input prices which have enhanced working capital requirements of firms. Since the last MPC meeting, secondary market yields, benchmark rates and cut-off rates in the government’s auctions have risen, particularly at the short end. The MPC noted that the market rates should be aligned with the policy rate and in case of any misalignment after today’s policy decision, SBP would take appropriate action.

Headline inflation rose from 12.7%YoY in March to 13.4% in April, driven by perishable food items and core inflation. The rise in core inflation reflects strong domestic demand and second-round effects of supply shocks.

At the same time, measures of long-term inflation expectations have also ticked up. As electricity and fuel subsidies are reversed, inflation is likely to rise temporarily and may remain elevated through FY23 before declining sharply during FY24. This baseline outlook is subject to risks from the path of global commodity prices and the domestic fiscal policy stance. The MPC will continue to carefully monitor developments affecting medium-term prospects for inflation, financial stability, and growth.

 

Further hike in interest rate by the central bank could prove suicidal for Pakistan

State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) is scheduled to announce a key monetary policy decision on May 23, 2022. The analysts and market participants keenly await SBP policy direction given Pakistan's economic uncertainty.

The consensus is growing in Pakistan that further hike in interest could prove suicidal for the country. The debt servicing by the Government of Pakistan (GoP) has become unsustainable. On top of that any hike in cost of doing business will dampen prospects of boosting exports. Let everyone remember that Pakistan suffers from cost-pushed inflation.

Since the last Monetary Policy announcement on April 07, 2022, secondary market rates including T-Bill/Kibor rates have gone up by around 200bps due to uncertainty about continuation of IMF program and removal of subsidies on petrol and diesel. 

It will also be interesting to see SBP’s stance as this will be the first monetary policy statement after the recent change in the government and appointment of Dr. Murtaza Syed as acting Governor of the central bank.

The most recent T-Bill auction tell a different story, the cut off yields declined for the first time after almost a year, down by 5nbs to 29bps with 3/6/12 months T-Bill yields clocking in at 14.49%, 14.70%, and 14.75% respectively.

For further clues let us go through some details of a survey conducted by Pakistan’s leading brokerage house, Topline Securities. Questions were asked on interest rate, inflation, currency, GDP growth and current account deficit outlook.

As per the survey results, around 54% of the participants expects an increase of 100bps, 14% of the participants anticipate an increase of 150bps and 11% expect an increase of 200bps or more. As against this 13% participants expect increase of 50bps and 9% expect no change.

Participants remained divided on policy rate expectations by end of FY23. 27% of the participants expect policy rate to close at 13% by end of next financial year. 41% of the participants expect it to above 13% while 32% anticipate it to be below 13%.

In terms of currency outlook, 39% of the participants expect PKR/USD to close above 205 by the end of next financial year. 9% believe it will remain in the range of 200-205 by FY23 end. 23% expect it to close in between 195 to 200 while the remaining anticipates it to be below Rs195.

27% of the participants are expecting inflation of 13-14% in FY23, 16% expect it to be between 14 to 15 percent, 4% anticipate it to be above 15%. The remainder of the respondents is eyeing an inflation of lower than 13% in FY23.

In terms of GDP growth, 7% of the participants think that GDP growth will be below 3% and 32% of them expects it to be between 3-3.5%, whereas 23% of the participants project it to be 3.5%-4.0%. The remainder of them anticipates it to be above 4%. 

Participants remained divided on the expectations of current account deficit forecast for FY23 as 46% participants expect current account deficit to be in the range of US$12 billion to US$15 billion while 18% participants anticipate it to above US$15 billion. The remainder of them expects it to be below US$12 billion.  

Pakistan is currently facing tough economic times as depleting foreign exchange reserves, rising fiscal deficit amid huge petrol/diesel subsidy and indecisiveness by the new government on key economic measures is exacerbating economic issues.

It will key for government to take the required reform steps including removal of subsidy on petrol/diesel, measures to curb imports and improve tax collection. This will pave way for the resumption of IMF program which currently remain stalled and will result in dollar flows that could ease pressure on currency and foreign exchange reserves going forward.

Given concerns highlighted above along with rising inflation and weakening currency, analysts anticipate SBP to raise the policy rate by 100bps.

 

Pakistan: Coalition on the path to collision

Pakistanis are getting jittery because of the ‘politically loaded’ statements from the ruling coalition as well as the opposition headed by Imran Khan. 

PTI Chairman on Sunday announced that his party's long march towards Islamabad for the country's "battle for real freedom" would begin on May 25, 2022.

He said the main demands for the march to the capital were the immediate dissolution of the National Assembly and announcement of a date for the next general election.

Khan wants to charge the mob by saying, "I want people from all walks of life to come because this is Jihad, and not politics. I've decided and told all my team that we have to be ready to sacrifice our lives."

Imran indicated that the march would convert into a sit-in and continue until his demands are accepted. "We will never under any situation accept them. No matter how long we have to remain in Islamabad we will remain there."

I am surprised at the logic and narrative of Khan. If he wants fresh elections, he should ask his party members (MNAs) to resign and the coalition will have no option but to go for fresh election.

I have a feeling that Khan fears that in case his party members resign the stage would be set for the creation of an interim government and elections would be deferred till completion of the electoral reforms.

PML-N-led coalition government appears unwilling to take the blame for any unpopular decisions it may have to take to fix the economy. It wants guaranteed backing of the powerful military establishment to help it see through the remaining period of its tenure till August 2023.

The coalition believes it can handle the PTI march if other things are sorted out with the establishment. Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah has expressed his wish to arrest Khan provided he gets the ‘go-ahead’, as he thinks even one day in prison would make the ousted premier forget politics.

It is highly regrettable that neither Khan nor Sharif understands the gravity of situation. Pakistan has to satisfy the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and seek the ‘fitness certificate’ to pave way for the immediate release of US$1 billion. This would be the preamble for release of funds by other multilateral financial institutions as well as friendly countries.

It is therefore suggested that the ruling junta should show some endurance and Khan should also support the incumbent government in the preparation and approval of the federal budget for the next financial, likely to be announced on June 10, 2022.

In my opinion even the most contentious issues should be discussed and resolved in the parliament and should not be taken to the streets. At present the top national priority is approval of the federal budget.  It is better that Khan and Sharif develop working relations at the earliest.

Pakistan: Shehbaz Sharif caught between a rock and a hard place

Reportedly, the PML-N-led coalition government appears unwilling to take the blame for any unpopular decisions it may have to take to fix the economy. It wants guaranteed backing of the powerful military establishment to help it see through the remaining period of its tenure till August 2023.

The coalition, despite pressure from within its ranks to clear the air about the possibility of early polls or taking unpopular decisions, is looking to the powers that can make its tenure peaceful. With each passing day, the government’s indecisiveness is taking a toll on the already sinking economy, as well as governance.

The current rulers appear reluctant to take up a ‘perceived offer’ from the establishment to enter into a bailout deal with the IMF, present the federal budget next month and immediately announce the date for polls.

This is a sticking point at the moment, the coalition parties are of the view that taking difficult decisions on the economic front for a short term will cost them dearly if elections are held early.

It appears that all allied parties have agreed on completion of the 15-month term. The problem is that if the IMF agrees, the economy can be revived. But raising petroleum prices does not seem acceptable. PML-N wants the support from ‘all sides’ to steer the country out of the crises, without being blamed for taking unpopular decisions.

Shehbaz Sharif, who has a reputation of being an efficient administrator, could not assert himself. His role seems to have been reduced to an ‘interlocutor’ among his elder brother Nawaz Sharif, the establishment and the coalition partners — PPP and JUI-F in particular.

Sharif looked very enthusiastic during the first couple of weeks after assuming charge, now seems to have lost the steam and is finding it hard to negotiate the difficult position his government finds itself in today.

The dire situation facilitates the ‘architect’ of the ruling coalition, PPP co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari, to once again reach out to the heads of all allied parties to come up with a fresh strategy. On Saturday, he called on Shehbaz Sharif and discussed the challenges in detail.

The meeting also assumed importance as Zardari flew in to Lahore from Islamabad in the backdrop of the denial of relief to Prime Minister Shehbaz from a special court in a money laundering case that declined to confirm his bail.

A brief statement issued after the over 90-minute meeting said, “The meeting discussed the current situation, especially the economy, in the country. The coalition partners expressed their complete confidence in the leadership of the premier and praised the incumbent government for its steps for the welfare of the people.”

The fast-changing political scenario, followed by ousted premier Imran Khan’s pressure through massive rallies and an impending long march on the capital, has forced the main players of the coalition to review the strategy they formed before toppling the PTI government early last month.

The coalition believes it can handle the PTI march if other things are sorted out with the establishment. Interior Minister Sanaullah has expressed his wish to arrest Khan provided he gets the ‘go-ahead’, as he thinks even one day in prison would make the ousted premier forget politics.

PML-N Vice President Maryam Safdar also voiced her father’s views on it, saying “Nawaz Sharif is ready to say goodbye to the government, but not pass on the economic burden to the people of Pakistan, as there is no point in carrying the weight of the blunders of Imran Khan. It’s better to go to the masses to seek a fresh mandate.”

The coalition government is likely to take a decision about whether to stay in government or go for fresh polls after its final ‘backdoor talks’ with the establishment next week. The perception is, “If things don’t work out, the coalition will immediately rush for electoral and accountability reforms and to announce the date for elections.

Will Pakistan default? May be yes, may be not

Lately, the question is getting louder, Will Pakistan default? The critics are distinctly divided into two groups, one saying may be and other saying may be not. Both the groups have their own premises and none can be termed right or wrong.

I am of the opinion that Pakistan has never defaulted in the past and it will never be allowed to default. As in the past, the country will be bailed out, on the eleventh hour. The IMF and all other multilateral institutions can’t afford an atomic power to commit default.   

I am of the opinion that at present Pakistan does not appear to be a circumstantial defaulter but indecisiveness of the incumbent coalition government, headed by Shehbaz Sharif is making it difficult for the lender of last resort, International Monetary Fund (IMF) to conclude the deal.

Without mincing my words I will say’, “Shehbaz Sharif does not understand gravity of the situation, he acting stubborn and many of his decisions can be termed self destructive”. My premise is based on his consistent refusal to increase electricity and gas tariffs and petroleum price.

I have spoken to some business leaders and even the common man on street says, “Pakistan has no option but to arrive at consensus with the IMF and get the next tranche released”. Saudi Arabia is willing to give US$3 billion, subject to release of the tranche by the IMF. Ironically, Shehbaz and his economic advisory team have failed in understanding this clue.

I tend to support the group which says, “Pakistan has the capacity to avert an eminent default”. The current balance of payment crisis is because of huge imports and paltry exports. The gap is being bridged by US$2.5 billion remittances received every month. Many of the critics fail to understand this blessing. Please recall “IMF has promised to give US$2 billion over the next two years, but overseas Pakistanis are sending US$2.5 billion per month”.

The next step is to curtail import by banning or imposing quantitative restrictions. The incumbent government has decided to curtail import which is praise worthy decision. However, it is committing a horrendous by opting for load shedding of electricity to curtail oil import bill. Outages in the industrial areas are affecting output, raising cost of doing business and eroding competitiveness of the Pakistani exporters.

One of the factors responsible for higher import of food items is rampant smuggling of these products to the neighboring countries. This smuggling can be stopped simply by allowing export of these items to Afghanistan, India and Iran. Both Afghanistan and Iran, also suffering from acute shortage of foreign exchange, are keen in entering into barter trade and/or trade in Pakistani currency.

Please allow me to say that if Shehbaz continue to live under the shadow of Nawaz Sharif and Ishaq Dar, he will sink deeper into the mess. He must listen to his coalition partners and make some difficult decisions. However, he has to get rid of his idiosyncrasies and behave like a real statesman.

Is Bangladesh heading toward a Sri Lanka like crisis?

According to a report in South Asia Journal, like Colombo, Dhaka has also taken on massive foreign loans to embark on what critics call ‘white elephant’ projects. The economic turmoil in Sri Lanka should serve as a cautionary tale for Bangladesh, say experts.

Soaring prices of essential items are bringing enormous pain to economically weaker sections of Bangladeshi society. Sri Lanka has been mired in economic turmoil over the past few months, with the country battling severe shortages of essential items and running out of petrol, medicines and foreign reserves amid an acute balance of payments crisis.

The resulting public fury targeting the government triggered mass street protests and political upheaval, forcing the resignation of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and his Cabinet, and the appointment of a new Prime Minister.

Many in Bangladesh fear that their country could face a similar situation, given the rising trade deficit and foreign debt burden.

Bangladesh imported goods worth US$61.52 billion during the first nine months of the 2021-22 fiscal year, a rise of 43.9% as compared to the same period last year.

However, exports rose at a slower pace of 32.9% while remittances from Bangladeshis living abroad — a key source of foreign exchange — dropped about 20% in the first four months of 2022 from the year before, to US$7 billion.

Muinul Islam, a Bangladeshi economist and former professor at Chittagong University, fears that the trade deficit could grow in the coming years as imports are increasing at a faster pace than exports.

“Our imports are set to reach US$85 billion by this year, while exports won’t be more than US$50 billion. And, the trade deficit of US$35 billion can’t be bridged by remittances alone,” Islam told adding: “We will have to live with around a US$10 billion shortfall this year.”

The expert also pointed out that Bangladesh’s foreign exchange reserves have fallen from US$48 billion to US$42 billion over the past eight months. He is worried that they may drop further in the coming months, likely down another $4 billion.

“If the trend of more imports against exports continues and we fail to minimize the gap with the remittances, our foreign reserves will go down to a dangerous level in the next three to four years,” he stressed, underlining that this would lead to a significant devaluation of the nation’s currency against the US dollar.

Bangladesh, like Sri Lanka, has also taken on foreign loans in recent years to fund what critics call “white elephant” projects, which are expensive but totally unprofitable.

These unnecessary projects could cause trouble when the time comes to repay the debts, Islam said.

“We have taken a loan of US$12 billion from Russia for a nuclear power plant which has a production capacity of just 2,400 megawatts. We can repay the debt in 20 years but the installments will be US$565 million per year from 2025,” he pointed out. “It’s the worst kind of a white elephant project.”

In total, the country will likely have to repay US$4 billion per year from 2024, as installments for foreign loans, Islam estimated.

“I fear Bangladesh won’t be able to repay those loans at that time because of the shortage of income from the mega projects,” he stressed.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government has taken several steps to slash spending and save foreign currency reserves.

Nazneen Ahmed, Bangladesh economist at the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) office in Dhaka, said that the government has to make sure the projects are completed without additional cost and delay.

“We have to finish the mega projects carefully. There is no room for negligence and corruption. Those projects should neither be delayed nor the existing budget be increased,” she said, adding, “If we can finish them on time, only then will we be able to repay the loans we have taken for them.”

Adding to the problems of debt and deficit is the surge in prices of essential items.

The Russia-Ukraine war, which began at the end of February, has compounded the inflationary pressure.

Bangladesh has been particularly vulnerable as the country imports significant amounts of goods like cooking oil, wheat and other food items, as well as fuel.

Ahmed said that poor people are suffering the most because of the skyrocketing prices of these items.

“The government has to offer commodity goods subsidized to the poor people. Additional financial support should also be provided to them under a social security system,” she noted.

But the expert remains optimistic about the South Asian nation’s prospects, saying that the current economic indicators could improve as the global economy recovers from the COVID pandemic-induced downturn.

“We have been observing inflation worldwide during the COVID recovery phase. The Ukraine war has added more uncertainty to it. And the economic crisis in Sri Lanka has also created fear among us,” she told adding, “Still, if nothing big happens within the next few years, the global economy will recover again.”

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government has taken several steps to slash spending and save foreign currency reserves.

It has decided to suspend foreign trips of officials and postponed some less important projects that require imports from other countries.

Hasina has also urged citizens to do their bit, by practicing austerity and being careful about spending decisions.

“The Prime Minister earlier gave some directives to the government officials on practicing austerity. She called upon the private sector and the people to be economical,” Bangladesh’s Planning Minister M A Mannan said during a press conference in Dhaka.

Islam said that the government needs to be extremely careful with economic management, given the widespread suffering on account of soaring price rises, which could aggravate the already high political tensions in the Muslim-majority country.

“Bangladesh’s last election was not good. It was a fraudulent one. Another national election is due in the next two years. So the political situation will remain tense anyway. The economic uncertainty could fuel it even more.”

While the experts don’t see any imminent economic crisis, they believe that good governance and financial management are needed to ensure Bangladesh doesn’t end up facing a situation that Sri Lanka now finds itself in.

 

US strategy of maintaining strategic stability in Southern Asia

According to a report by United States Institute of Peace, over the past decade, long-standing disputes between the nuclear-armed states of Southern Asia have repeatedly veered into deeper hostility and violence. 

These regional developments reflect and reinforce new and significant geopolitical shifts, starting with the global strategic competition between China and the United States.

In Southern Asia, relations between the United States and Pakistan have frayed even as United States-India and China-Pakistan ties have strengthened. The region now faces deepening and more multifaceted polarization. Global competition adds fuel to regional conflict and reduces options for crisis mediation.

This report reviews the challenges posed by changing strategic circumstances in Southern Asia, assesses a range of US policy options, and presents a set of priority recommendations for US policymakers.

China, India and Pakistan have developed nuclear capabilities as one way to deter conflict with more powerful adversaries: the United States, China, and India, respectively. Each of the states in Southern Asia is expanding its nuclear arsenal and investing in related delivery systems. All aspire to field nuclear triads with assured second-strike capabilities, but China, India, and Pakistan are at very different stages in this process.

In making these investments in national security, each state also threatens its less powerful rivals. The result, a ‘cascading security dilemma’, encourages arms racing, disrupts regional strategic stability, and heightens the risk that crises could cross the nuclear threshold.

In addition to general arms race dynamics, the introduction of new munitions, more capable delivery systems, and potentially more risk-acceptant doctrinal shifts tend, on balance, to exacerbate strategic instability in Southern Asia.

Sophisticated missile defense systems; hypersonic and multiple independently targetable reentry vehicle (MIRV) missiles; and tactical, sea-based (surface and submarine), and dual-capable nuclear systems all raise new challenges for crisis management and raise questions about how they might influence the nuclear strategies and doctrines of regional states. 

The potential for conflict between India and Pakistan remains high following the 2019 Pulwama-Balakot crisis. Subsequent diplomacy led to the resumption of a ceasefire along the Line of Control in 2021, but the underlying causes of hostility, including although not limited to the disputed territory of Kashmir, remain.

Moreover, India and Pakistan appear to have drawn lessons from 2019 that increase the likelihood that future crises could escalate in dangerous ways, possibly even to the nuclear threshold.

All told, 2019 showed important shifts in long-standing positions (by India and Pakistan, as well as China and the United States) and a new willingness by all parties to accept greater risk.

Over the past several years, India’s relations with China have also deteriorated markedly. In the summer of 2020, their long-disputed land border saw the most violent clashes in more than four decades. India and China have since pulled forces away from hot conflict but have not found a way back to the pre-2020 status quo.

Both are actively investing in new military capabilities and infrastructure along their inhospitable Himalayan frontier, raising the prospect that future disputes could escalate into even more significant conventional military exchanges.

Nuclear use remains unlikely, but it cannot be ruled out, if only as the unintended consequence of conventional military escalation. India-China border tensions are certain to influence their broader bilateral relationship as well as military investments, both conventional and nuclear.

In addition to worrisome trends in bilateral India-Pakistan and India-China relations, India faces the thorny challenge of managing relations with two hostile neighbors (China and Pakistan) that are increasingly close partners.

Other regional developments, including in Afghanistan, where Taliban rule is likely to create new opportunities for terrorist groups, further threaten strategic stability in Southern Asia.

Ultimately, it is the unpredictable evolution of these dangerous dynamics in combination—India-Pakistan crises, China-India border violence, and resurgent terrorist threats—that should raise concern that inevitable flare-ups could spiral.

The United States has only a limited capacity to influence the behavior of other nuclear-armed states. The overlapping and interconnected rivalries and territorial disputes in Southern Asia further complicate the policy challenge facing Washington.

In particular, US policymakers will need to balance competing strategic priorities as they deepen the strategic partnership with India and deter aggression while taking care to avoid actions that could contribute to a regional arms race, greater instability, or crisis escalation.

That said, the United States has in the past played a significant role in regional crisis prevention and mitigation and continues to have a wide range of policy tools at its disposal.

This report systematically assesses a range of options for resolving, mitigating, or better managing regional disputes; enhancing regional strategic stability through deterrence, reassurance, and other diplomatic or technical means; and improving crisis management tools and practices to reduce the likelihood that any specific crisis escalates past the nuclear threshold.

This assessment is not intended to be a one-time effort. As the United States faces new and evolving circumstances, it should continue to develop policies to address the motives, new capabilities, and processes that expose Southern Asia to a significant risk of nuclear war.

To resolve or mitigate core disputes in Southern Asia that threaten regional peace, the United States should continue to pursue diplomatic initiatives to encourage reduced tensions between India and Pakistan. It should also prepare to seize opportunities for tactical progress, for instance, on ways to remove forces from specific points of friction, such as the Siachen Glacier, even if core disputes prove intractable.

The United States should support long-term regional economic development projects to build material incentives and more vocal constituencies favoring regional peace.

Additionally, the United States should look for new diplomatic opportunities to manage India and China’s border dispute, including in US talks with China as well as coordination with US allies and partners to develop new economic and financial tools aimed at deterring Chinese territorial aggression.

The United States should use its ongoing negotiations with the Taliban and economic and financial leverage with Pakistan to reduce threats to regional stability posed by terrorists based in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in particular by naming anti-Indian terrorists as priority US concerns and targets.

To enhance prospects for strategic stability in Southern Asia, the United States should devote renewed attention to nuclear risk reduction measures, starting with the establishment of a dedicated, secure, and redundant India-Pakistan nuclear hotline, supported by bilateral agreements and practices, and should urge both India and China to enter strategic stability talks with each other.

Additionally, the United States should raise the idea of a new transregional forum on regional and global strategic stability that would include an “N-7” (China, France, India, Pakistan, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States) to discuss and strengthen stabilizing nuclear norms.

Washington should also deepen its defense cooperation with New Delhi in ways that contribute to India’s capacity for territorial defense and a stabilizing conventional and nuclear deterrent without exacerbating the regional arms race or increasing the likelihood of nuclear crises.

To better manage crises between the nuclear-armed states of Southern Asia, the United States should prepare its policymakers for complex nuclear crisis diplomacy in the region by conducting gaming exercises within the intelligence community; developing a generalized policy playbook for India-Pakistan, India-China, and overlapping India-Pakistan-China crises; and routinely sharing insights from these planning documents with all incoming senior officials in relevant US government agencies, embassies, and bases.

Additionally, Washington should work to improve its indicators and warning for regional crises and prepare to share information publicly and with regional actors to combat disinformation in instances where doing so could prevent or de-escalate a conflict.

It should offer to help New Delhi enhance the resilience of its information and communications channels. It should also coordinate with trusted third parties to better prepare for crisis diplomacy so that they can serve as intermediaries and honest brokers in future crises.

 

International Financial Institutions plan to address food insecurity

Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director, International Monetary Fund (IMF) has made a statement following the publication of a Joint International Financial Institution (IFI) Plan to Address Food Insecurity.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has precipitated serious economic and social consequences around the globe. Among them, many countries are now facing dangerous food shortages and sharply higher prices for food, energy, and fertilizers. 

These pressures occur at a time when countries’ public finances are already stretched from the pandemic and public debt burdens are high. With inflation reaching the highest levels seen in decades, vulnerable households in low- and middle-income countries are most at risk of acute food insecurity. And history has shown that hunger often triggers social unrest and violence.

If we have learned one lesson from the 2007-08 food crisis, it is that the international community needs to take fast and well-coordinated actions to effectively tackle a food crisis, by maintaining open trade, supporting vulnerable households, ensuring sufficient agricultural supply, and addressing financing pressures. I am honored to have been able to work together with the heads of other International Financial Institutions to propose concrete actions. Coordination between us will be critical for the plan to have maximum impact in quickly alleviating food insecurity, especially for the most vulnerable households in the most vulnerable countries.

Working closely with the World Bank and other International Financial Institutions, the IMF will provide policy advice, capacity development assistance, and financial support to catalyze and complement financing from other institutions. The IMF is investing in its monitoring capacity to allow for timely identification of countries with the most pronounced financing pressures, especially fragile and conflict-affected states, which will particularly be affected by food insecurity.

The IMF is working with country authorities on macroeconomic frameworks and policy priorities. A critical area of focus is to assist countries in their efforts to rapidly improve social safety nets to protect vulnerable households from the imminent threat of hunger. Helping members identify ways to safeguard food security without resorting to export restrictions has been another priority. These policy objectives are reflected in the IMF’s program engagement. IMF financial support for Moldova (recently augmented to help address the harmful effects of the war) and Mozambique, for instance, includes a focus on strengthening social safety nets for vulnerable households.

The IMF will also bring to bear its new Resilience and Sustainability Trust, which will provide affordable longer-term financing for countries facing structural challenges, while countries with acute financing needs could access IMF emergency financing, where appropriate. The IMF is intensifying efforts with the World Bank and others to support debt restructurings where needed.”

Background: Following a meeting of International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and global leaders convened by the US Treasury on April 19, 2022, “ Tackling Food Insecurity: the challenges and call to action,” the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the African Development Bank (AfDB), Asian Development Bank (ADB), European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), the World Bank, and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) have worked together to formulate a joint action plan to address food insecurity.

According to the plan, the IFIs will pursue actions to step up, surge, and scale their work across six priority goals: 1) support vulnerable people; 2) promote open trade; 3) mitigate fertilizer shortages; 4) support food production now; 5) invest in climate-resilient agriculture for the future; and 6) coordinate for maximum impact.

 

Isn’t United States acts open declaration of war against Russia?

The US Senate voted 86-11 Thursday to approve a US$40 billion Ukraine aid package. This would replenish US stockpiles of weapons transferred to Ukraine, as well as allocate billions of dollars to help the Ukrainian government continue operating and provide humanitarian assistance.

President Biden is expected to immediately sign the legislation, which exceeds his US$33 billion request to Congress.

The House passed the legislation overwhelmingly earlier this month by a vote of 368-57.

The bill would authorize the transfer of American weapons and equipment to Ukraine and provide $9 billion to replenish depleted US weapons stockpiles. It would also provide nearly US$9 billion for continued operations of the Ukrainian government and
US$4 billion in international disaster assistance.

Pentagon Chief Lloyd Austin and Secretary of State Antony Blinken had urged Congress last week to pass the bill by Thursday if the US wanted to continue sending aid to Ukraine at the current pace.

The administration had predicted that the US$100 million leftover in presidential drawdown authority—which allows the Pentagon to send weapons from its own stockpile — would last through the middle of May.

Eleven Republican senators led by Sen. Rand Paul voted against the measure. These were: Marsha Blackburn, John Boozman, Mike Braun, Mike Crapo, Bill Hagerty, Josh Hawley, Mike Lee, Cynthia Lummis, Roger Marshall and Tommy Tuberville.

The Biden administration also announced US$100 million in military assistance to Ukraine on Thursday; moments after the Senate sent a US$40 billion supplemental aid package to the president’s desk.

The equipment will include additional artillery, radars and other equipment to Ukraine, President Biden said in a statement following passage of the Ukraine aid.  

In a separate statement, Secretary of State Antony Blinken said the weapons will be coming from the Pentagon’s existing inventories.

“These weapons and equipment will go directly to the front lines of freedom in Ukraine, and reiterate our strong support for the brave people of Ukraine as they defend their country against Russia’s ongoing aggression,” Biden said.

Thursday’s package is the 10th shipment of weapons to Ukraine under presidential drawdown authority, which allows the Pentagon to dig into its existing stockpiles. It also brings the total military assistance that the U.S. has provided to the country to US$3.9 billion since Russia’s invasion began.

The equipment includes: eighteen 155 mm howitzers; eighteen tactical vehicles to tow those howitzers as well as eighteen artillery tubes; three AN/TPU 36 counter-artillery radars; and field equipment and spare parts, the Pentagon said. The US has previously provided shipments of this equipment to Ukraine.

Pentagon spokesman John Kirby said the weapons will start to flow “very, very soon.”

“I cannot give you an exact date of when it’s all going to show up in Ukraine, but you can imagine, having seen us do this in the past, that we’re not going to sit on our hands and will start flowing that stuff immediately,” he said.

Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin urged Congress last week to advance the supplemental aid bill by Thursday in order to continue sending security assistance at the current pace.

Kirby said the package uses up the remaining US$100 million of the US$3.5 billion in drawdown authority that was passed in March as part of a US$1.5 trillion bill to fund the government through September.

The US$40 billion supplemental, which Biden is expected to sign, includes US$9 billion for the Pentagon to replenish the weapons it sent to Ukraine, exceeding the administration’s request of US$5 billion.