Kashmiris to vote in historic elections

On a bright September afternoon, a caravan of colorful cars, festooned with flags, arrives at a village in Indian-administered Kashmir for an election rally. Iltija Mufti, a politician from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), slowly rises from the sunroof of one of the cars, reports Saudi Gazette.

“Yeli ye Mufti (When Mufti will be in power)," she shouts at a crowd that has gathered to hear the third-generation leader of one of the most influential political dynasties of the region.

“Teli Tch’le Sakhti (Then the repression will end)," they respond in unison.

From a distance, army personnel in bulletproof jackets, armed with automatic rifles, stand watch, tracking every movement.

For the first time in a decade, elections are being held in 47 assembly seats of Kashmir, long marked by violence and unrest. The region, claimed by both India and Pakistan, has been the cause of three wars between the nuclear-armed neighbors. Since the 1990s, an armed insurgency against Indian rule has claimed thousands of lives, including civilians and security forces.

The three-phase polls will also extend to the 43 seats in the neighboring Hindu-majority Jammu region.

The election is the first since 2019, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government revoked Jammu and Kashmir's autonomy, stripped its statehood, and split it into two federally administered territories. Since then, the region has been governed by a federal administrator.

In the fray are 13 main parties vying for a majority in the 90-seat assembly.

The major players are the two main regional parties — the PDP led by Mehbooba Mufti and the National Conference (NC) which is headed by Omar Abdullah. Both Mufti and Abdullah are former chief ministers of the region.

The NC has formed an alliance with India's main opposition party Congress.

Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is also contesting but not many are betting on the party, which has a stronghold in Jammu but a weak political base in the valley.

In the last elections in 2014, the BJP had formed a government in alliance with PDP after sweeping Jammu. The alliance fell apart in 2018 after years of disagreements.

Also in the picture, this time, is Engineer Rashid — a politician who has spent five years in jail accused of a terror case and was released on bail this week. Rashid came to the limelight earlier this year when he pulled off a stunning victory in the general election over Abdullah. He fought the election from jail, with his sons leading an emotional campaign on the ground.

Elections in Kashmir have long been contentious, with residents and separatist leaders often boycotting them, viewing the process as Delhi's attempt to legitimize its control.

Since 1947, Kashmir has held 12 assembly elections, but voter turnout has often been low and marked by violence. Militants have attacked polling stations, and security forces have been accused of forcing voters to come out and vote. Since the 1990s, hundreds of political workers have been kidnapped or killed by militant groups.

But for the first time in decades, even separatist leaders are contesting in several seats.

The most keenly watched of these is the outlawed Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI) party, which has joined hands with Rashid's Awami Ittehad Party (AIP).

Residents will vote to elect a local assembly, led by a chief minister and council of ministers. Though the assembly will have limited powers under Delhi's rule, it has sparked hopes for a political change in the valley.

Almost all opposition parties have pledged to restore statehood and the region's special status. The BJP has ruled out restoring autonomy but has promised to reinstate statehood to Jammu and Kashmir "at an appropriate time after the elections".

Most residents appeared to be reconciled to the loss of their region's autonomy.

“I don’t think Article 370 will come back unless any miracle happens,” said Suheel Mir, a research scholar, adding that parties were making promises about restoring autonomy in a “politically charged” atmosphere to get votes.

Several young men and women said they were more concerned about issues like political instability, corruption and most of all, unemployment - also a major concern in Jammu.

“We want to cast our vote to resolve our day-to-day issues. It has nothing to do with the Kashmir dispute,” said a man who did not wish to be named.

But others said they didn't want to give the impression that they had accepted the events of 2019 and would participate in the election solely to vote against the BJP.

"We want to send a message to the government that the revocation is unacceptable to us no matter what," said 38-year-old Zameer Ahmad.

Five years ago when Modi's government abrogated Article 370, the 70-year-old constitutional provision that gave the region its autonomy, the government said it was necessary to restore normalcy in India’s only Muslim-majority region.

The move triggered a severe security clampdown, mass detentions, curfews and a months-long internet blackout, stripping residents of rights to jobs and land.

Since then, Modi and his ministers have extensively talked about a new era of peace and development in Kashmir, announcing projects worth hundreds of millions of dollars that they say are part of a plan to integrate the region's economy with the rest of India. (Until Jammu and Kashmir's special status was removed, outsiders could not buy land to do business there).

But locals say they have yet to see the benefits of such projects and continue to struggle with violence and high levels of unemployment.

Thousands of Indian army troops continue to be perpetually deployed there, with powers that have led to decades of allegations of human rights violations.

"There is an absence of democracy and freedoms in Kashmir and many political activists remain in jail," said political scientist Noor Ahmad Baba.

"The election allows people to give their verdict for or against these changes."

The change in mood is visible everywhere.

Across Jammu and Kashmir, streets are adorned with posters, party flags, and billboards and men at local bakeries freely discuss election outcomes over chai.

"There has been a complete overhaul of traditional political narratives," said Tooba Punjabi, a researcher.

"Earlier, public boycotts defined elections. But now, it's a means of putting the right party in place to undo the damage."

The shift in political attitudes was also evident earlier this year, when Kashmir registered a historic 58.46% voter turnout in the parliamentary election.

Many residents are now pinning their hopes on regional parties to raise their demands.

"These parties have acted as a shield between Delhi and Kashmir," said businessman Tahir Hussain," adding that "it didn't matter who will form the government as long as it's a local one".

Analysts say the BJP's performance could also receive a significant blow in Jammu this time, where internal discord and infighting has derailed its ambitions.

There's also growing anger among the residents who are unhappy with the party's policies.

Until now, the BJP's push for development has resonated with people in Jammu who hope it would bring in more economic opportunities for them.

But many say they are yet to see any signs of change. “In fact, now that Article 370 has been scrapped, people from other states are coming to Jammu. Our rights on jobs and land are being taken away from us," said Gulchain Singh Charak, a local politician.

Sunil Sethi, BJP's chief spokesperson in the region, rejected the allegations.

“We have done massive infrastructure developments, built roads and brought foreign investors here,” he said.

Elections in Indian Occupied Kashmir

This article explores the complexities and consequences of holding elections in a region where the very foundation of democratic principles is under siege.

As India prepares to hold assembly elections in the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), a cloud of skepticism and dissent hovers over the region. For many Kashmiris and their leaders, these elections represent not a democratic exercise but a cynical attempt to legitimize India’s occupation and control over the region.

The announcement of the elections has been met with sharp criticism from prominent Kashmiri leaders such as Altaf Hussain Wani and Abdul Hameed Lone, who have denounced the move as a desperate ploy to deceive both the international community and the local population.

Since the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A in August 2019, Jammu and Kashmir has undergone a dramatic and controversial transformation. Once a state with special autonomous status, it was downgraded to a union territory under direct control of the central government in New Delhi.

This move was widely condemned by Kashmiris and has been perceived as an assault on the region’s unique cultural, political, and religious identity. The central government’s subsequent actions, including changes to domicile laws and the intensification of military presence, have only deepened the sense of alienation and resentment among the local population.

In this context, the upcoming elections are viewed by many as an attempt to present a veneer of normalcy in a region that remains deeply troubled.

The Indian government’s narrative is one of democratic engagement and development, but this is a narrative that rings hollow for those who live under the constant shadow of militarization and political repression.

The skepticism surrounding the elections is not without reason. Historically, elections in Jammu and Kashmir have been marred by low voter turnout, allegations of rigging, and widespread disenchantment with the political process.

For many Kashmiris, the electoral process is seen as a tool used by the Indian state to project an image of legitimacy while the underlying issues of self-determination and human rights remain unaddressed.

Leaders like Altaf Hussain Wani have been vocal in their criticism, labeling the upcoming elections as a “drama” designed to create a false impression of normalcy.

Wani’s assertion that these elections are nothing but a sham reflects the broader sentiment among Kashmiris who feel that their voices are being silenced and their aspirations ignored.

The elections, in their view, do not represent a genuine opportunity for democratic expression but rather a strategic maneuver by the Indian government to consolidate its control over the region.

The Indian government’s portrayal of the elections as a step towards restoring normalcy and democracy in Jammu and Kashmir is met with widespread skepticism.

While the central government insists that the elections are a democratic exercise, the reality on the ground tells a different story.

The ongoing militarization, the curtailment of civil liberties, and the lack of meaningful political engagement with local leaders have created an environment where true democratic expression is impossible.

For many Kashmiris, the elections are a façade—an attempt by the Indian state to project an image of stability and legitimacy to the outside world while continuing to suppress the region’s demand for self-determination.

The electoral process, rather than addressing the root causes of the conflict, serves to entrench the status quo and perpetuate the cycle of violence and repression.

The upcoming elections in Jammu and Kashmir may proceed as planned, but their legitimacy and effectiveness are in serious doubt. For the elections to be meaningful, they must be more than just a box-ticking exercise.

These must be accompanied by a genuine commitment to addressing the aspirations of the Kashmiri people, including their right to self-determination as enshrined in United Nations Security Council resolutions.

A comprehensive approach to resolving the Kashmir issue is needed—one that goes beyond electoral politics and addresses the fundamental grievances of the people.

This includes the demilitarization of the region, the restoration of civil liberties, and meaningful dialogue with all stakeholders, including those who have been marginalized or excluded from the political process.

Ultimately, the future of Jammu and Kashmir cannot be decided through elections alone. It requires a concerted effort to heal the wounds of the past, respect the rights and aspirations of the Kashmiri people, and work towards a peaceful and just resolution of the conflict. Only then can the promise of democracy be truly realized in this troubled region

Courtesy: South Asia Journal

Will Modi come to Pakistan to attend the SCO meeting?

The PML-N love for India has invited Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the upcoming Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) meeting in Islamabad, despite India-Israel relationship, particularly in munitions supply and ongoing genocide in Gaza.

One of the narratives is that Pakistan being the host has to extend the invitation to India, but the other narrative is that Modi should decline the invitation and send foreign minister instead.

The two countries downgraded their diplomatic ties in August 2019 and recalled their high commissioners. This is now the longest period in peacetime that the two countries have been without their top diplomats in each other’s capital.

SCO is a multilateral platform, but Modi’s presence in Islamabad would nevertheless would be seen significant. If nothing else, the sidelines of the SCO summit offer the two sides a chance to start talking about talks.

It is a harsh reality that the hawks on both sides are not interested in normalization of relationships. India considers itself a regional super power, it has joined various economic cooperation groups, but seems least interested in relations with SAARC members.

There is no denying that there are major differences between the two countries, as well as the thorny disputes that they have fought many wars on. There seems no hope of easing the tension, yet for a like SCO offers opportunity to establish working relationships.

Pakistan made the first move in May last year when then-foreign minister Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari went to Goa to attend the SCO’s Council of Foreign Ministers. Though the reception in India was far from warm despite the significance of his visit, Bilawal’s presence sent a positive signal that Pakistan remains open to engaging with New Delhi diplomatically.

The SCO is a multilateral platform and, therefore, of limited import as far as India-Pakistan ties are concerned. Still presence of Indian delegates in Islamabad should bring some positivity. If nothing else, the sidelines of the SCO summit offer the two sides a chance to start talking about talks.

 

G20 decisions, what next for Pakistan?

The G20 conference has come to an end in Delhi, where a lot happened which can become a permanent topic separately.

For example, the Indian media mentioned a statement by the Prime Minister of Italy regarding BRI, the Prime Minister of Canada spoke about Khalistan while standing in the Indian capital and when the rights of Sikh in Canada holding a referendum on Khalistan.

Muhammad Mehdi, Chairman of the Institute of International Relations and Media Research has discussed the concept of the Global South that President Biden arrived in Delhi with this concept, and the leadership of the Global South will be handed over to India according to Washington’s vision. 

According to Mehdi, for Pakistan any situation that affects the region is extremely important because the country would be affected whether it likes it or not. The Global South's vision is to prepare India to compete with China's BRI project.

India does not have enough economic size to be able to do this on its own, so its economic needs will be fulfilled by the United States as much as it needs compared to China.

The next and very important question is, whether the US economy under the debt of US$7.6 trillion has enough power to meet these needs or not? In order to promote the concept of the Global South, an MoU was signed during the G20 summit in India.

This economic corridor project will connect ports and rail links to the Middle East, Israel and Europe. The project is being named as India Middle East Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEEC).

It includes United States, India, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and the European Union. The goal of this project is to connect India's ports with the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia by developing a large-scale rail network and then get access to Israel and Europe from there. And apart from the Suez Canal, another route should be developed while China's BRI project should also be made a response to it.

Discussions on this project started in 2021 at a Business Forum between the United States, India, UAE and Israel, and later Saudi Arabia also joined these discussions.

When the Abraham Accords was being signed between certain Arab countries and Israel under the patronage of the United States, Mehdi had said that it should not be seen only in the context of the Arab countries and Israel, but it will have far-reaching consequences on the region where Pakistan is located and that has started happening.

Saudi Arabia does not recognize Israel, but it has recognized Israel's position in this agreement. Now, what does the US want to achieve by including the Arab countries in it? It is clear that through the BRI project, China's footprints are clearly visible on the Arab land.  

This is not only limited to economic matters, but by standing with Saudi Arabia and Iran, China has given a clear message that now its political position has also become strong in this region and the UAE and Saudi Arabia have also joined BRICS, which also includes India, but its souls are China and Russia.

According to Mehdi, United States cannot afford such a situation. When the Ottoman Empire disintegrated as a result of the First World War, the British shadow remained over the Arab region from that time until the end of the Second World War, and then later the United States replaced the United Kingdom and enjoyed its position solely.

But China's recent successes have put many question marks on the presence of the US supremacy in this region and its future, and the supwer is taking steps to maintain its supremacy by presenting the concept of the Global South. And in order to achieve this goal, India is being encouraged.

Narendra Modi will face polls and in order to win he needs to put his nation behind a truck light similar to what he has achieved by holding this conference and promoting this economic corridor.

This is called a political slogan because there is a very strong belief that the current US economy, which will have a debt of US7.6 trillion by the end of year 2024, is not strong enough to support this project. 

Regarding the same thing that happened to the New Silk route project announced by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton during the Obama era, an economic route would be made from Afghanistan, but then it could never be implemented.

The real goal of the current plan seems to be to confuse the Arab world with the fact that the United States is coming down a new path and to make them think about how far they should go with China and how much should be carried forward.

If the US succeeds in getting the Arab countries into this mess, it will be a success. Because these Arab countries are concerned about their internal and international security, and they still depend on the largest suppliers of arms and military might.

Muhammad Mehdi is the Chairman of the Institute of International Relations and Media Research

 

Pakistan hits out at US and India after Biden-Modi meeting

According to Reuters, Pakistan on Friday criticized the United States and India after President Joe Biden met Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the White House and both leaders called on Pakistan to ensure its territory was not used as a base for militant attacks.

Pakistan's foreign ministry said a joint US-Indian statement was unwarranted, one-sided, and misleading. The reference to Islamabad in it was contrary to diplomatic norms, it said.

The ministry added that it was surprised by the joint s

tatement and said it had close counterterrorism cooperation with the United States.

Relations between India and Pakistan have been fraught for years. Since independence from Britain in 1947, India and Pakistan have fought three wars, two of them over the Muslim-majority Himalayan region of Kashmir, which they both claim in full but rule in part.

The joint US-Indian statement said, "They (Biden and Modi) strongly condemned cross-border terrorism, the use of terrorist proxies and called on Pakistan to take immediate action to ensure that no territory under its control is used for launching terrorist attacks."

Pakistan's foreign ministry said India was using the allegations of extremism against Islamabad to deflect from the situation in Kashmir and the treatment of minorities in India.

New Delhi has for years accused Pakistan of launching militant attacks in India, including the one in 2008 in Mumbai that killed over 165 people.

India also says Pakistan has helped Islamist militants who have battled Indian security forces in its part of Kashmir since the late 1980s. Pakistan denies the accusation and says it only provides diplomatic and moral support for Kashmiris seeking self-determination.

The special status given to the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir was revoked in 2019 when New Delhi split it into two federally controlled territories. Pakistan calls the moves illegal and wants them rolled back.

Biden rolled out the red carpet for Modi on Thursday, with both leaders touting deals their countries reached on defense and commerce aimed at countering China's global influence.

Pakistan also said it was deeply concerned over the planned transfer of advanced military technologies to India, saying such steps would not prove helpful in achieving peace in South Asia.

India leads world in cutting internet access for 5th year in a row

India imposed by far the highest number of internet shutdowns in the world in 2022, internet advocacy watchdog Access Now said on Tuesday, as the country topped the list for the fifth successive year.

Out of 187 internet shutdowns globally recorded by Access Now, 84 took place in India, including 49 in Indian- administered Kashmir, the New York-based digital rights advocacy group said in a report published on Tuesday.

"Authorities disrupted internet access at least 49 times in Kashmir due to political instability and violence, including a string of 16 back-to-back orders for three-day-long curfew-style shutdowns in January and February 2022," the watchdog report added.

Kashmir has long been a flashpoint between India and archrival Pakistan, which claim the region in full but rule only parts.

In August 2019, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi scrapped the autonomy of the Muslim-majority state of Jammu and Kashmir, splitting it into two federally administered territories.

The government has since regularly imposed communications restrictions on the region on security grounds, which rights groups have condemned and described as measures to quash dissent.

Militants have battled India's rule in Kashmir for more than three decades. The South Asian country blames Pakistan for stoking the revolt. Islamabad denies the claims.

Although India once again led the world in internet shutdowns, 2022 marked the first time since 2017 that there were fewer than 100 shutdowns in the country, the watchdog said.

Ukraine was second on the list, with the Russian military cutting access to the internet at least 22 times after Russia invaded Ukraine on February 24 last year.

"During Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the Russian military cut internet access at least 22 times, engaging in cyberattacks and deliberately destroying telecommunications infrastructure," the watchdog said in its report.

Ukraine was followed on the list by Iran where authorities imposed 18 internet shutdowns in 2022 in response to demonstrations against the government.

Nationwide anti-government protests erupted in Iran last fall after the death of 22-year-old Kurdish Iranian woman Mahsa Amini in police custody on September 16, last year. Amini was arrested in Tehran by the morality police for flouting the hijab rules, which require women to entirely cover their hair and bodies. She died while in custody.

 

Five Reasons Why Kashmir Matters

Kashmir has always captured the imagination of the Pakistani people and stirred their emotions. This is partly because of shared religion but also because Pakistan’s largest province, Punjab, and its ruling elite have very close ethnic and cultural association with Kashmir.

But 9/11 led to dwindling preoccupation with Kashmir among Pakistanis. Especially for the generation that grew up in the 2000s and had first-hand experience of terrorism and fear, domestic issues became more pressing. Kashmir, therefore, took a backseat to even those in policy circles. In fact, for many in Pakistan, Kashmir became a needless burden that was sinking the Pakistani ship. “Save Pakistan before saving Kashmir” became a common mantra, especially in the liberal intellectual and elite circles.

Pakistani perceptions underwent another change in 2014 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to power in India. That coincided with Pakistan’s successful military operations against terrorist groups like the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan that were causing mayhem in the country. With stability inside of Pakistan and the surge of violence in India against Muslims, along with the revocation of Kashmir’s autonomy by the Modi government in 2019, the Kashmir issue returned to the fore of Pakistani imagination, and this time on steroids with Prime Minister Imran Khan at the helm.

As divisive as the Kashmir issue is, it is important for both Pakistan and India to recognize why it is important to resolve the issue. Here are five reasons why Kashmir requires urgent attention:

Peace Either Everywhere or Nowhere

The events of 9/11 proved the point that underdevelopment, violence, and instability in one part of the world will directly impact the rest of the world – even the most developed countries in the West were not safe or secure. This has been the gist of UN calls for integrating security and development to stabilize the Global South to secure the Global North.  This new policy approach was best articulated by former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who argued that “famines and instability thousands of miles away lead to conflict, despair, mass migration, and fanaticism that can affect us all.” Therefore, continued violence and subjugation in Kashmir on a slow burn is unlikely to remain within the borders of Kashmir. The repercussions may erupt around the world in different ways.

Status Quo Benefits Only a Few

The Kashmir issue is a byproduct of the British colonial project in India that led to a strained relationship between Pakistan and India. The international community has showed little capacity or interest to resolve the issue for 70 long years. The issue lingered on because the new status quo benefited many actors involved in the region and some external actors that thrive on the war industry. With the Modi government acting unilaterally to revoke Article 370, the status quo has become even more firm and volatile, leaving only extreme options for both sides.

The Untold Costs

Kashmir doesn’t bleed alone; Pakistan and India bleed with it perpetually. For as long as the Kashmir continues to bleed through militarization, killings, rape, and draconian tactics, the chaos will continue to permeate and affect the lives of the people in the region. This is why Pakistan has been insisting on resolving the Kashmir issue for the benefit of Kashmiri people first, and then the overall stability of the region. In many ways, the true potential of India, Pakistan, and Kashmir itself is a hostage to the inability of status quo powers (in this case India) to resolve the Kashmir issue.

Principles Matter

For Pakistan and India, Kashmir isn’t some far away land like Afghanistan was for the United States that it could exit at will. Pakistan and India share borders, cultures, traditions, and much more with the Kashmiris. To then stand for the rights of Kashmir may be exhausting and taxing, but it is principally right. As much as anyone argues otherwise through a reductionist “realist” lens, principles do matter in policymaking and international relations, especially in the mid and long run. Therefore, it is important that the international community fulfills its commitment to the peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue.

Rule by Fear

In today’s world we should not allow for governance and fascist practices from the 19th century. Rule by fear or force is untenable. Kashmir is the most militarized region in the world, with India having deployed 900,000 soldiers here and Pakistan around 50,000. More people have died due to border shellings than war between Pakistan and India. Modi’s forceful annexation of Kashmir has renewed a wave of terror and fear in Kashmir with curfews, internet blackouts, growing violence, and killings. Kashmir is not getting safer; it’s only getting more insecure and unsustainable to govern for the Indian government – the effects of which will destabilize the entire region.

Kashmir is an integral part of the Kashmiri people, who have faced the worst consequences of decades of mindless subjugation of their rights. It is convenient for Western countries to ignore the plight of Kashmiris for a larger geopolitical game at play against China, but the prolonged human catastrophe in Kashmir will render the great power competition irrelevant if the unresolved crisis persists.

This article by Dr. Hussain Nadim was originally published in The Diplomat. Dr. Hussain Nadim is the Executive Director of Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) based in Islamabad, Pakistan. For his work in the policy sector, Nadim has received several international awards, including being recognized in the Forbes 30 under 30 list of 2016. He has a Ph.D. from the University of Sydney, M. Phil from University of Cambridge and a BA from George Washington University in International Affairs.

 

Key takeaways from Imran Khan’s Address to OIC Foreign Ministers

According to Reuters, Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan on Tuesday suggested that close ally China and Islamic countries mediate in the Russia-Ukraine conflict and try to bring about a ceasefire.

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) is holding the 48th Session of the Council of Foreign Ministers, which more than 600 delegates are attending, including Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi as a special guest, in the Pakistani capital, Islamabad.

"May I suggest that OIC during its discussion with foreign ministers, we should think about how we can mediate, how we can bring about the ceasefire," Khan told the gathering.

"I want to discuss how, maybe OIC along with China, we can all step in and try to stop this conflict which is going to have, if it keeps going the way it is, it would have great consequences for the rest of the world."

Khan's comments came hours after China and Pakistan echoed concerns about "spill-over effects of unilateral sanctions" on Russia, according to a statement by the Chinese foreign ministry.

Khan was in Moscow to meet President Vladimir Putin the day Russian forces entered Ukraine. Pakistan has expressed concern about the repercussions of the invasion but also stopped short of condemning it.

Pakistan abstained from the UN General Assembly vote that condemned Russia's aggression against Ukraine.

According to Pakistan’s leading English Newspaper, Prime Minister Imran Khan delivered a keynote address at the inaugural session of the 48th Council of Foreign Ministers (CFM) of Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) at the Parliament House in Islamabad on Tuesday.

While talking about the OIC's role, he said, "We have failed both the Palestinians and the people of Kashmir. I am sad to say that we have been able to make no impact at all."

The premier said Western countries did "not take the OIC seriously" because "we are a divided house and those powers know it.

"We (Muslims) are 1.5 billion people and yet our voice to stop this blatant injustice is insignificant."

Khan said international law was on the side of the people of Palestine and Kashmir, adding that the United Nations Security Council's resolutions backed the right of the Kashmiris to self-determination through a plebiscite. However, the international community never ensured that right was given, he said.

Referring to India's stripping of occupied Kashmir's special status in August 2019, he said nothing happened because they (India) felt no pressure. "They feel we can just pass a resolution and then go back to our usual business."

He said India was changing the demography in occupied Kashmir by bringing in settlers from outside but "no one has pushed about it because they think we are ineffective."

Afghanistan and Ukraine

The premier also spoke about the global situation, expressing his apprehension that the world is "headed in the wrong way".

A new Cold War had almost started and the world could be divided into blocs, he said, stressing that unless 1.5 billion Muslims take a united stand, "we will be nowhere."

No other people had suffered as much as the people of Afghanistan, he said, adding that for the first time in 40 years, there was "no conflict" in the war-torn country. "The only danger now is through the sanctions [imposed on Afghanistan] and non-recognition", which could cause a humanitarian crisis, he cautioned.

Talking about the ongoing war in Ukraine, Khan suggested that the OIC foreign ministers should discuss how the body could "mediate; try to bring about a ceasefire and an end to the conflict".

If the war continued, it would have "great consequences for the world", he cautioned. "All countries that are non-partisan are in a special position to be able to influence this conflict."

He again repeated his suggestion that the foreign ministers discuss the issue, adding that he would also talk about it with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi about how the OIC, along with China, "can influence the events in Ukraine and stop this and have some ceasefire and resolve this conflict".

Meeting agenda

During the two-day conference, more than 100 resolutions will be overviewed. The agenda of the meeting covers a review of the developments affecting the Muslim world since the last CFM held in Niamey in 2020 and efforts undertaken by the secretariat for the implementation of resolutions adopted in previous sessions, especially on Palestine and Al Quds.

The participants would also deliberate on the situation in Afghanistan and India-held Jammu and Kashmir.

Issues pertaining to Africa and Muslims in Europe and developments in Yemen, Libya, Sudan, Somalia, and Syria, will also be taken up at the meeting.

The agenda, moreover, includes Islamophobia and issues related to international terrorism and cooperation in economic, cultural, social, humanitarian, and scientific domains.

On March 23, foreign ministers will visit the venue of the Pakistan Day parade. Later in the day, FM Qureshi along with OIC Secretary General Hissein Brahim Taha will hold a joint press stakeout following the conclusion of the session.

Need for resolving Kashmir conflict

Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhary has described the life of a Kashmiri in a unique manner. He asks the reader to imagine he/she is a Kashmiri born in Srinagar on January 05, 1949. By this time the reader is 73 years old and has completed nearly every phase of life. 

Decisions were taken on what to study, where to work, how to contribute, and preparing to retire, a full circle of life. But at every stage, the reminder was that he/she was not free and under Indian occupation, a kind of colonial rule. It is the story of every man and woman who lives in the Valley of Kashmir or the Jammu region, who feels helpless as well as angry.

For all Kashmiris, January 05 is a reminder that the promise was made to them on this date in 1949, which remains unfulfilled. It is the day, the United Nations Commission on India and Pakistan adopted a resolution calling for a free and fair plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir. Ever since, like a ritual, the Kashmiris mark self-determination day, hoping that the world would listen. But year after year, the frustration has mounted. It is understandably getting hard for the Kashmiris to keep faith in international justice, or even stay optimistic. Yet the Kashmiris struggle goes on, the torch of freedom remains aloft.

The right of a nation or community to self-determination is an important principle of the UN Charter. When the UN was born in 1945, it had only 73 members. Over the years, scores of nations attained their independence thanks to the principle of self-determination, swelling the UN membership to 193. The two peoples that could not access their right to self-determination are the Palestinians and Kashmiris.

Most of the Kashmiris have close relations with the people living in central and northern Punjab. The rivers flow down from Kashmir to present day Pakistan for centuries. All roads from the Kashmir Valley head towards northern Punjab. Kashmir’s mandi (market) had traditionally been Rawalpindi. How can all these links be cut off simply because India does not want to let Kashmiris decide how they wish to live? One is completely surprised that even after seven decades of Kashmiri resistance against Indian rule, the Indian leadership is unable to deduce that the Kashmiris simply do not wish to live with India.

In the past two and a half years, the situation has taken an ugly turn. The Indian government abrogated Article 370 of the Indian constitution, robbed the Kashmiris of their statehood, and started inflicting further excesses on these freedom-loving people. Kashmiris often wonder what end goal India has in mind for Kashmir. Can it realistically maintain its colonial-like rule over eight million people? Perhaps not! India is already experiencing centrifugal tendencies in several parts of the country; how would India keep its internal stability by continuing its occupation of another 8m agitated souls?

Some analysts have argued that India does not wish to let Kashmiris exercise self-determination because if that happens, other regions in the country would also demand freedom. This argument contradicts the historical process. No nation can forever rule an unwilling population. Some strategists assert that Kashmir’s location is strategically important for India. Again, how can an unwilling population be a strategic asset for India? Some ambitious BJP enthusiasts are excited that after the actions of August 2019, and the introduction of a new domicile law, Kashmiris would no longer be a Muslim-majority community. This approach too would not work as all Kashmiris, including pro-India factions, have united in their opposition to the assault on Kashmiri statehood and identity.

It is important for the Indian leadership and its thought leaders to think this through. Ruling a population by force, undermining their identity, and suspecting each Kashmiri who aspires self-determination for his people, will never consolidate the Indian occupation of Kashmir.

A better alternative is to find ways to resolve the Kashmir dispute with Pakistan in accordance with the wishes of the Kashmiri people. The UN Security Council resolutions provide a reasonably good framework to resolve this conflict.

Can we all imagine how life would have been for every South Asian, if India had chosen the path of leading the region, not by coercion, but by mutual respect and nurturing interdependence? Today, South Asia is the least integrated and most conflict-ridden region. Can all this change? Perhaps a resolution of the Kashmir dispute could be a good beginning to defuse tensions, and let South Asia emerge as a region of peace and tranquility. Will India listen to the voice of Kashmiris? Not sure, but one does hope that one day it will.

Kashmir: Modi trying to convert demographic majority into political minority

Two years ago, on 5th August 2019, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi removed the autonomy of Jammu and Kashmir as a state and redesignated it as two union territories, Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) and Ladakh, which are governed directly from Delhi. 

He also scrapped Article 370 of the Indian constitution, which had allowed J&K to make its own laws, and cancelled Article 35A, which gave its legislature the power to determine who was a permanent resident of the state.

The effective annexation of J&K was overwhelmingly rejected by Kashmiri Muslims. Pakistan virulently opposed it, arguing that because J&K was considered by the United Nations Security Council to be disputed territory; its annexation violated international law.

Modi claimed that this unilateral move would bring peace and development to J&K. Not surprisingly, this action by his Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has only brought more misery and more violence. And, sadly, the future doesn’t look promising.

Within a year, the impact on the economy of J&K was disastrous. Another year later, and notwithstanding the Modi government’s assertions that the political changes had brought socioeconomic development to the region, economic activity has come to a standstill. A double lockdown, political and Covid-driven, has hit the tourism industry very hard. Starved of international tourists, those running the famous house boats on Dal Lake in Srinagar are desperately struggling to survive.

Many of the political leaders arrested two years ago are still under house arrest or in jail. The BJP has made rampant use of a particularly harsh piece of legislation, the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act—which permits detention without charge for up to six months—to crack down on all forms of dissent. Torture and mistreatment of detainees, including teenagers, is common practice. Less than 1% of arrests under the act have resulted in a conviction in the past 10 years. Modi has used the law to silence civil-society organizations, in particular, the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons and the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society—the only two groups documenting human rights abuses in J&K.

India’s harsh and uncompromising approach to J&K has come to the attention of the UN. In March 2021, five UN special rapporteurs wrote a letter to the Modi government expressing their concerns over arbitrary detentions, extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances in J&K. That letter and five previous communications by other UN rapporteurs since 5 August 2019 have been ignored.

In June 2021, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, concerned by grave human rights violations in J&K, asked the Indian government to end the use of shotgun pellets against children. The dire situation in J&K has also come to the attention of the EU. A number of members of the European Parliament have written to the president and vice president of the European Commission expressing concern about the human rights violations in J&K.

Kashmiri political leaders­—most of whom have lost all credibility with Kashmiris—have demanded that J&K’s statehood be restored. Minister of State for Home Affairs Nityanand Rai has said in the Indian parliament that statehood would be ‘granted at an appropriate time after normalcy is restored’. The Indian government’s response begs more questions about Kashmir’s future.

In the meantime, Delhi has extended until March 2022 the role of the Delimitation Commission established to redraw the electoral constituencies of J&K. Most Kashmiris fear that the commission’s real task is to redraw the electoral map to make it easier for the BJP to win the next election, whenever that will be.

But more worrisome to Kashmiris is that since the legislative changes in August 2019, well over three million domicile certificates have been granted to non-Kashmiris, most of them non-Muslims. Moreover, there’s a fear that Delhi will apply to Kashmir the 2019 Citizenship Amendment Act, which requires Muslims to prove their citizenship. Many would not be able to do so because they have no official papers to confirm their legal status.

The Modi government has been keen to assist the return to Kashmir of thousands of Kashmiri Pandits (Hindus) who left because of the security situation in the 1990s. As former J&K finance minister Haseeb Drabu noted, Kashmiris are worried that through the use of legislative and administrative actions the Modi government is trying ‘to convert a demographic majority into a political minority’.

Despite the misery Kashmiris endure daily, the international community has no appetite to confront Modi on this. And he knows it.

There are critical strategic issues to deal with, notably the growing tension between the West and China and the deteriorating situation in Afghanistan, in which India could play an important role. India’s geostrategic importance is further strengthened by its membership, along with the US, Japan and Australia, of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. Given that context, Kashmir simply doesn’t make it onto the agenda.

On his recent visit to India, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken did not allow Kashmir and other human rights issues, such as the poor treatment of Muslims in India, to complicate the bilateral meeting. When asked to comment on the wobbliness of India’s democracy, Blinken stated, ‘We view Indian democracy as a force for good in defense of a free and open Indo-Pacific. We also recognize that every democracy, starting with our own, is a work in progress.’ This would have been sweet music to his host, India’s Minister of External Affairs S. Jaishankar.

Sadly, once again, politics takes precedence over human rights issues. There’s no expectation that anything will change soon for Kashmiris because there’s absolutely no international pressure on Modi to relent.

India ditches Palestinians, as usual

Israel’s recent airstrikes in Gaza and its targeting of Palestinians elsewhere in the occupied territories has attracted strong reactions from across the world. While millions of conscientious people of all faiths and nationalities condemned this butchery, many of Tel Aviv’s supporters and friends termed Israel’s brutalities self-defence. 

One of the surprises was that some states that had formerly supported the Palestinian cause were conspicuous by their silence, apparently to please Israel.

India was among this group at the recent vote at the UN Human Rights Council calling for a probe into Israel’s recent atrocities, it chose to abstain. This led the Palestinian foreign minister to observe in a letter to New Delhi that the abstention stifles the important work of the Human Rights Council at advancing human rights for all people.

Indian stance towards the Palestinian cause didn’t surprise many. Under the Hindutva banner India is a firm ally of Israel, with Benjamin Netanyahu boasting of the deep friendship between New Delhi and Tel Aviv.

For years, India has diplomatic relations and has been trading with Israel. Thousands of Israeli tourists flock to India every year. Israel is the third largest weapons supplier to India after the United States and Russia.

This may be termed a natural pairing as both the states have applied similar brutal methods in occupied Palestine and held Kashmir. Today, India-Israel relations are clearly a marriage of convenience, with both states sharing notes on how to brutalize the Palestinians and Kashmiris.

While people of conscience across the world will continue to raise a voice for the Palestinians, the plight of the Kashmiris will also not be forgotten. State-sponsored brutality cannot snuff out the desire of the people of Palestine and Kashmir for freedom and dignity.

One can still recall that on his recent visit to India, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had said in a TV interview that the relationship between the two countries was “a marriage made in heaven”.

According to ex-Senate Chairman, Raza Rabbani, “It is more of a union conceived in hell”. He warned the Muslim world that the emerging nexus between the United State, Israel and India was a major threat to Muslim Ummah”.

Can secret talks between India and Pakistan yield any result?

It is believed that both India and Pakistan are busy in minimizing tension on the instructions of some external forces. This may bring a temporary calm for a while, but just can’t establish sustainable peace. The lingering on of Kashmir issue can be attributed to super powers fighting a sort of proxy wars in the region, including Afghan war going on for nearly twenty years.

Analysts say that now besides United States, China and Russia are also controlling the string. Ironically, these super powers don’t wish to engage in any direct encounter but want the proxies to hit strategic interests of each other.

Let everyone keep in mind that Russia and other Central Asian countries want access to warm waters, though Afghanistan and Pakistan. Similarly, China wants full control and security of projects being constructed under the auspicious of CEPC.

According to a Reuters news, top intelligence officers from India and Pakistan held secret talks in Dubai in January this year in a new effort to calm military tension over the disputed Himalayan region of Kashmir.

While the super powers are pursuing their agenda, hawks present in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan continue to play the role of ‘spoilers’. Ironically the status of these hawks keeps on changing from friend to foe to friend.

Having read the preamble, now let us talk about secret talks going on between India and Pakistan on the behest of United Arab Emirates or to be little rude China and United States.

Keeping a few points in mind that over the last 74 years Kashmir issue has not been resolved, both the countries have fought numerous wars and attained the status of atomic powers to stain supremacy on each other, while millions of people on both sides of the border live below the poverty line, maintaining peace and tranquility in the regions seems only diabolic thinking

Both the Pakistan and Indian governments have re-opened a backdoor diplomacy aimed at a modest roadmap to normalizing ties. Such meetings have taken place in the past too, especially during times of crises but never been publicly acknowledged.

 It is not loner a secret that Indian and Pakistan intelligence officials have been meeting for several months in third countries. It is believed that these meeting have been held in Thailand, Dubai and London between the highest level people.

There is a lot that can still go wrong, it is fraught that is why nobody is talking it up in public, we don't even have a name for this, it's not a peace process, one can call it a re-engagement.

"It’s better for India and Pakistan to talk than not talk, and even better that it should be done quietly than in a glare of publicity," said Myra MacDonald, a former Reuters journalist who has just published a book on India, Pakistan and war on the frontiers of Kashmir.

Analysts don't see these meeting going beyond a basic management of tensions, possibly to tide both countries over a difficult period - Pakistan needs to address the fallout of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, while India has to confront a far more volatile situation on its disputed frontier with China.

Can sustainable peace be established between India and Pakistan?

It appears that efforts are being made to reduce hostility between Pakistan and India, the two atomic powers of South Asia. However, most of the actions are taking place behind the scene, though scanty details are being shared with public.

The Pakistan Day message received by Pakistani Prime Minister, Imran Khan from his Indian counterpart Narendra Modi has made headlines, but it hardly reflects any tangible goodwill gesture.

After years of hostility cordiality will be difficult to achieve. Yet the first, careful steps have been taken, and if things proceed without any glitch tangible progress in the peace process can be achieved.

The first sign that things were changing for the better came in the shape of the LoC ceasefire announced last month by the two countries. It was followed up by statements from Khan and the army chief calling for better relations with India.

Pakistani experts were also in India earlier this week after a long gap to discuss the sharing of Indus waters. Relations had of course hit rock bottom after India unilaterally annulled held Kashmir’s special status in its constitution in 2019.

One can hear the eco that a Gulf state that enjoys good relations with both sides is playing the role of peacemaker. Biden administration is also sending certain signals to Islamabad and New Delhi. This suggests that the two atomic powers are being pressurized to ease the situation.

It has been witnessed several times in the past; both countries were tantalizingly close to making peace, only for the process to be abandoned due to spoilers, this time things may not be different.

It is believed that with seriousness of purpose, everything standing in the way of peace — including Kashmir — can be resolved. The history spread over more than 70 decades, proves this is only a wishful thinking.

My lines could be best understood when one reads what Chief of Army Staff General Qamar Javed Bajwa has said. He said pointblank that lasting peace in the sub-continent will remain elusive until the resolution of the Kashmir issue. He also stressed that it was time for India and Pakistan to "bury the past and move forward".

Let me say that both the countries have remained hostage to the disputes and issues. The Kashmir issue is obviously at the heart of this. It is important to understand that without the resolution of Kashmir dispute through peaceful means, process of rapprochement will remain susceptible to derailment.