Lately, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff Aviv
Kochavi announced preparations for a potential upcoming military operation,
foreshadowing a possible move against Iran.
Kochavi’s announcement came shortly after Israel and Foreign
Ministers of four Arab nations — Morocco, Egypt, the UAE, and Bahrain — along
with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, met at the Negev Summit in
the Israeli desert to lay the foundation for a strategic military alliance to
deter "Iran and its associated militias," as the then Israeli Foreign
Minister Yair Lapid put it.
The
conflict between Iran and other regional states, including both Israel and Arab
nations, spans over four decades. The battle for dominance in the Middle East
began in 1979 with the Islamic Revolution in Iran.
The former supreme leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ruhollah
Khomeini, declared Iran to be the legitimate nation of Islam, and began a
campaign to export the revolution, as he believed it should be used as a
model for other nations in the region. He thought that, through mass
mobilization, Islamic values would triumph over corruption, repression, and
Western influence.
The Islamic Republic believed that it could destabilize the
region and rebuild it in its image. "Our revolution will not win
unless it is exported," said Abolhassan Banisadr, the Islamic Republic’s
first president.
"We are going to
create a new order in which deprived people will not always be deprived,"
he stated, referring to Shi’a Muslims. The new regime used this cause as a
veneer for its efforts to further its ideological, geopolitical, and economic
ambitions.
In
response to Iranian expansionism, six Persian Gulf states — Saudi Arabia, the
UAE, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, and Qatar — formed the Gulf Cooperation Council
(GCC) in 1981. Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, along with other Gulf states, supported
Iraq's Saddam Hussein in a full-scale invasion of Iran in late 1980, driving
Iran and Arab nations further apart.
Iran has successfully kept this growing regional conflict
outside its borders by starting proxies in weaker states situated between it
and its rivals. Iran has been accused of meddling in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and
Yemen's domestic affairs and helping pro-Iranian actors gain or remain in
power.
The
result has been to undermine the regional order, and the Middle East is now
home to several failing states, civil wars, and major humanitarian crises.
In
addition, the Islamic Republic's belligerent expansionism has pushed Arab
nations and Israel closer to each other, slowly at first but much more rapidly
in recent years.
Iran
presents a substantial military threat
Tehran’s missile and drone capabilities exceed those of
nearly all of its regional adversaries and it has embraced unmanned aerial
vehicles (UAVs), significantly enhancing its air superiority. Former CENTCOM
Commander Gen. Kenneth F. McKenzie Jr. warned that, thanks to Iran's
drone program, the US is "operating without complete air superiority” for
the first time since the Korean War.
The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) shares these
capabilities with Iranian-backed militias — including Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad,
Hamas, the Popular Mobilization Forces, and the Houthis — to be used in proxy
wars or in attacks within the borders of Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the
UAE.
In
recent years, and especially since the signing of the Abraham Accords in late
2020, Israel has proven to be a viable ally for Arab nations facing the threat
of Iran.
In mid-February 2022, Israeli forces carried out a
devastating attack on an airbase in western Iran, destroying hundreds of
Iranian drones. The Times of Israel reported that Israel is
cooperating with Middle East allies to build a “joint defense system” to
counter Iranian missiles and drones.
Like the Middle East Strategic Alliance (MESA) proposed
by the Trump administration, the alliance will be modeled after the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The strategic alliance will focus on
shared air defenses and pave the way for sharing intelligence and military
operational plans to prevent attacks.
Information that comes out of Tehran is strictly controlled;
nevertheless, there are other sources from which we can learn about Iran's
response to this new alliance.
In 2018, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei accused Saudi leaders
of treason against the world of Islam for cooperating with the U.S.
and Israel. Even though Iran has never declared war on Saudi Arabia, there have
been hundreds of Houthi attacks on the kingdom, striking oil
facilities and civilian areas. Saudi Arabia's Ministry of Energy has condemned the
Islamic Republic for enabling and arming the Houthis. While Iran tries to mask
its actions against other Muslim nations, it does not shy away from making its
intentions with Israel clear has claimed that Israel will not exist in 25
year.
In addition, any association with Israel will get a country
in trouble with the IRGC. Hossein Salami, the IRGC’s commander-in-chief, sees
the new Arab-Israeli alliance as a direct threat to the IRGC's security, since
it aims to create a new regional order. It would also, for the first time, give
Israel a foothold in the Persian Gulf. Salami asked the GCC nations to
reconsider their alliance and warned them that cooperation with Israel would
lead to harsh consequences. He reiterated the IRGC forces’ combat readiness in
various strategic positions in the Persian Gulf.
IRGC-linked media outlets, such as Tasnim and Fars,
have pushed a similar narrative. Some have added that the Israeli-Arab
NATO-style regional alliance is a continuation of former President Donald
Trump's Iran policy. Hossein Dalirian, a former editor of Fars turned social
media influencer, has repeatedly supported Iran-backed Houthi
attacks in Saudi Arabia and Yemen and even mocked the IDF’s inability to
prevent the killing of five Israeli civilians in a recent terror
attack.
As for Iranian academics’ perspectives, Islamic Azad
University professor Mehdi Motaharnia expressed that the formation of
the Arab-Israeli coalition against Iran is a response to the recent attacks
carried out by Iran's proxies in Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
In addition, he says that the prospect of the Biden
administration withdrawing the IRGC from the list of foreign terrorist groups
has given impetus to the creation of an Arab-Israeli NATO. Mehdi writes,
"Israel is trying to redefine the security, military, political,
diplomatic, economic, commercial, and even social" structure of the region
to coexist with the Arab world and confront Iran.
Even though the Arab-Israeli alliance is an existential
threat to the Iranian regime, it is unlikely that the regime will abandon its
foundational ideologies, as doing so would delegitimize its cause.
Moreover, Khamenei and the IRGC's expansionist agenda
overshadows other perspectives within Iran, including that of the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs. In 2019, then-Iranian President Hassan Rouhani unveiled
a plan to bring security, peace, stability, and progress in the
Persian Gulf, calling it the Coalition for Hope. It was the last attempt at
uniting Iran and the GCC states. Unfortunately, the coalition failed to gain
traction among the GCC states, as distrust between the two sides runs deep.
Since then, the Islamic Republic has done little to restore trust and has
instead doubled down on its antagonistic policies.
Khamenei and Salami's tone suggests that Iran's future
foreign policy will be more of the same. If Khamenei, the IRGC, and their
associated militias continue to undermine their own Foreign Ministry’s efforts
to improve relations with neighboring nations, Iran will remain isolated and
surrounded by enemies. Ironically, Iran’s strong-man foreign policy will
fuel the alliance between the regional rivals that most threatens its security.
Iran’s incendiary rhetoric and violent interference have forced a marriage of
convenience between Israel and Arab nations that likely otherwise would not
come together.