China’s key role in development of Asia Pacific rim

Ahead of the 32nd APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting, set to be held in Gyeongju, South Korea, from October 31 to November 01, CGTN has published an article highlighting how China has continuously injected stability and fresh momentum to the development of the Asia-Pacific region over the years.

Just days after the fourth plenary session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) concluded in Beijing, Chinese President Xi Jinping is going to make his first overseas trip since the CPC plenum — to attend the 32nd APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting and to pay a state visit to South Korea from October 30 to November 01.

As the session reaffirmed China's long-term vision and steady commitment to sharing growth opportunities with the world, observers are watching closely to see how China's leadership will bring new energy to Asia-Pacific development and help guide the region through increasing geopolitical and economic challenges.

"There has never been a more critical time for APEC," said Eduardo Pedrosa, executive director of the APEC Secretariat, in a recent interview. He expressed his anticipation of President Xi's participation, emphasizing that China has long been a strong supporter and contributor to APEC.

Openness and connectivity for win-win cooperation

On the Pacific coast of Peru, the Chancay Port — South America's first smart and green port — will soon celebrate its first anniversary of operation. Described as a "New Inca Trail," the project has created new trade routes between Latin America and Asia, serving as a clear example of openness and connectivity in the Asia-Pacific.

When President Xi attended the 31st APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting in Lima in 2024, he watched the port's opening via video link. He has called for fully utilizing APEC's role as an "incubator of global economic and trade rules," promoting regional integration and connectivity, and removing barriers to the free flow of trade, investment, technology, and services.

For decades, China has been a positive force for openness in the Asia-Pacific. In the first three quarters of 2025, China's trade with other APEC economies increased by 2 percent year-over-year, reaching 19.41 trillion yuan (US$2.73 trillion), or 57.8 percent of its total trade. The ongoing growth of goods ranging from textiles to electronics and auto parts reflects the region's strong shared opportunities.

China's actions reflect its consistent stance against protectionism and unilateralism. From the high-quality implementation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) to proactive steps toward joining the CPTPP and Digital Economy Partnership Agreement (DEPA), Beijing has been contributing Chinese strength to building an open Asia-Pacific economy.

Driving innovation to share development opportunities

At the 2023 APEC CEO Summit, President Xi urged regional economies to "seize the opportunities of the new technological revolution" and to work together to promote digital, intelligent, and green transformation. He emphasized the importance of strengthening scientific and technological cooperation and creating an open, fair, and non-discriminatory environment for innovation.

This vision is gaining ground across the region. At the 22nd China-ASEAN Expo, 62 projects involving new energy, artificial intelligence, and advanced materials were signed — many focused on joint R&D rather than just trade. In Chile, Chinese-made double-decker electric buses played a key role in transporting people during the 19th Pan American Games in Santiago, providing clean energy for a continental sporting event and demonstrating China's sustainable technologies on a global scale.

Herman Tiu Laurel, president of the Asian Century Philippines Strategic Studies Institute, a Manila-based think tank, observed that China's high-tech innovation and green transition open new frontiers for supply chains and create fresh opportunities for Asia-Pacific economies.

Fostering inclusive growth for shared prosperity

In late September, a China-supported Juncao and upland rice demonstration center was opened in Goroka, the capital of Papua New Guinea's Eastern Highlands Province. The project, a new achievement in China-Papua New Guinea collaboration on poverty reduction, is helping local communities boost food security and build sustainable livelihoods. It provides a glimpse into how China's development approach is changing lives across the Asia-Pacific.

President Xi has reaffirmed that common development remains the main goal of Asia-Pacific cooperation. Following this vision, China has been actively taking action rather than just promoting the idea.

From advancing initiatives within APEC to increase household income and promote cluster-based growth among small and medium-sized enterprises, to inviting Asia-Pacific partners to join the Global Development Initiative (GDI), China has consistently strengthened collaboration in poverty reduction, food security, industrialization, and development financing with regional economies to maintain steady momentum in the region's pursuit of shared prosperity.

Asia Pacific leaders meeting in South Korea

Leaders from 21 Pacific Rim economies will gather this week in Gyeongju, South Korea, for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, or APEC, forum.

Meetings have begun on Monday and will run through Saturday. Talks are expected to be overshadowed by US President Donald Trump's sweeping global tariffs and high-stakes trade standoffs with China and other nations.

Trump will arrive on Wednesday but is scheduled to depart before the APEC leaders' summit itself. He is expected to see Chinese President Xi Jinping for their first in-person meeting of Trump's second term, as the two countries seek to dial down trade tensions.

The following are facts about the APEC meeting:

APEC, which was founded in 1989, has 21 members that represent more than 50% of global GDP and are home to some 2.7 billion people, or 40% of the world's population. China, Russia and the United States are three of the group's largest members. The APEC region generated 70% of the world's economic growth during its first 10 years of existence.

Leaders of the countries meet annually. The last gathering was in November 2024 in Peru, dominated by worries over the incoming Trump administration's vows to enact tariffs and reverse course on issues like climate change.

The economic club aims to encourage cooperation and reduce trade and investment barriers, though decisions made at meetings are non-binding and consensus has been increasingly difficult. South Korea says it wants to use this year's forum to discuss supply chains, the World Trade Organization's role in fostering a free and fair-trade environment, as well as advancing the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific, an agreement designed to eventually include all APEC members.

The agenda also includes topics like adapting to digital change, harnessing artificial intelligence, sustainable energy, food supplies, responding to demographic shifts and increasing opportunities for women and people with disabilities.

South Korea is hosting Trump and Xi for state visits and it is hoping to make progress on a trade deal with the US President, Lee Jae Myung has suggested Trump use the visit to engage with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, but it is unclear whether a meeting will happen.

Dichotomy of Western Media

The Western media’s claim of being the custodian of truth and free expression has long lost its moral weight. What remains is a sophisticated machinery of selective storytelling that serves political convenience rather than journalistic integrity. The recent contrast between the “royal welcome” headlines of Donald Trump’s visit to Japan and the near-total blackout of mass demonstrations against him during the ASEAN summit speaks volumes about this duplicity.

When Trump landed in Tokyo, Western networks and newspapers competed to romanticize his reception — highlighting ceremonial gestures, lavish banquets, and supposed diplomatic warmth. Yet, when he visited Southeast Asia shortly after, facing widespread protests and public outrage, the same media either looked away or buried the story in a few inconspicuous lines. The silence was not accidental; it was calculated.

This pattern exposes the deep bias embedded in Western media — a bias not of ideology alone but of power. Stories that reinforce Western dominance are amplified, while narratives that challenge its legitimacy are suppressed. Such editorial selectivity does not merely distort facts; it shapes public consciousness and global opinion in favor of Western interests. It turns journalism from a public service into an instrument of geopolitical influence.

The hypocrisy is glaring. Western outlets spare no opportunity to lecture developing nations on press freedom and transparency, yet they themselves censor, filter, and manipulate when the truth threatens to unsettle their political comfort. They spotlight dissent in non-Western capitals but turn blind when protests erupt against their own leaders or allies.

In the age of digital information, this arrogance is being exposed. Independent media from Asia, Africa, and Latin America are challenging the monopoly of Western narratives, revealing what global audiences were never meant to see. The supposed guardians of democracy in media now stand accused of practicing the very propaganda they denounce elsewhere.

Until the Western media learns to report with honesty — not through the lens of self-interest — its sermons on “press freedom” will continue to sound hollow, and its credibility will keep eroding. The world no longer accepts selective truth as journalism.

SAARC: Awakening a Sleeping Might

Reviving the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is not a romantic ideal; it is a strategic necessity. The global order is shifting toward regional blocs that consolidate economic and political influence — from ASEAN and the EU to the African Continental Free Trade Area. South Asia cannot afford to remain fragmented when its combined GDP already exceeds US$4 trillion and its population represents a quarter of the world. A dormant SAARC limits each member’s bargaining power, constrains trade diversification, and weakens collective resilience against climate and security threats.

The process of revival begins with institutional restructuring. SAARC’s Secretariat in Kathmandu must be transformed from a symbolic coordination office into an empowered regional policy hub. This requires financial autonomy, a merit-based staffing system, and authority to monitor and evaluate implementation.

Member states should establish a SAARC Development Fund, enabling cross-border infrastructure, health, and education projects independent of political disruptions. Regular ministerial meetings, even at sub-regional levels, can sustain policy momentum when summits stall.

Economic integration remains the most practical catalyst for reactivation. South Asia’s intra-regional trade potential is estimated at over US$100 billion, yet remains trapped below 6 percent of total commerce.

The complete operationalization of the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) must be prioritized, coupled with the removal of non-tariff barriers and the adoption of digital customs and payment systems.

A regional e-commerce and logistics framework could integrate small and medium enterprises across borders, reducing trade costs and increasing competitiveness.

Energy cooperation offers another powerful unifying platform. Hydropower trade among Nepal, Bhutan, and India, and gas pipeline connectivity involving Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan could underpin mutual interdependence.

A “SAARC Energy Corridor,” integrating electricity grids and renewable-energy investment, would not only enhance supply security but also establish climate-friendly growth foundations.

People-to-people diplomacy is equally critical. Academic partnerships, student mobility programs, media collaboration, and cultural exchanges can foster regional consciousness that transcends political disputes.

Civil-society engagement and private-sector participation should complement intergovernmental dialogue.

The long-term sustainability of SAARC lies not in bureaucratic communiqués but in public ownership of the regional project.

Pakistan’s role in this reawakening is pivotal. Geographically positioned at the crossroads of South, Central, and West Asia, Islamabad can act as a natural bridge for trade and energy corridors.

Reframing its regional engagement from security-centric to economic-centric diplomacy could reposition Pakistan as a constructive stakeholder in regional stability.

Advocating connectivity rather than confrontation would strengthen its diplomatic leverage and economic prospects simultaneously.

Ultimately, SAARC’s revival depends on political will — not from external actors but from within South Asia itself. The logic is simple: collective prosperity is indivisible.

Competing regional architectures cannot substitute for the historical, cultural, and economic interdependence that binds SAARC members.

By re-energizing this sleeping might, South Asia can finally transition from a region of unrealized potential to one of shared progress.

The moment calls for leadership that recognizes cooperation as power, not concession. SAARC’s awakening will not occur overnight, but without the first deliberate steps, South Asia risks remaining a fragmented geography rather than a united economic community.

Have All Abandoned Hamas?

The question of whether Hamas has been completely abandoned by its allies deserves a nuanced answer. While the militant-political organization is under unprecedented isolation and financial strain, it has not been left entirely friendless. What has changed is not the existence of support, but the depth and nature of it. The few remaining backers are more pragmatic and cautious than ideological.

Iran remains the most steadfast supporter of Hamas, but even Tehran’s approach has shifted from enthusiasm to calculation. The Islamic Republic continues to provide limited training, intelligence, and weapons through its network that includes Hezbollah and the IRGC. Yet, Hamas no longer occupies the central role it once did in Iran’s “Axis of Resistance.” Tehran’s strategic priority today is containing Israel through Hezbollah in Lebanon and maintaining deterrence in Syria and Iraq. In that equation, Hamas has become an auxiliary, not a frontline force.

Qatar, long seen as Hamas’s financial lifeline, has also recalibrated its policy. The unmonitored cash deliveries to Gaza that sustained Hamas’s governance structure are now being rerouted through the United Nations and humanitarian agencies. Doha seeks to retain its role as a mediator rather than an outright patron. That shift leaves Hamas with a smaller and more conditional stream of funds — insufficient to maintain administrative control in a war-torn enclave.

Turkey’s support, meanwhile, has settled into the realm of rhetoric. President Erdoğan continues to speak forcefully for Palestinian rights, but Ankara avoids concrete steps that could jeopardize its economic and diplomatic relations with the West. Turkey’s relationship with Hamas has become largely symbolic — a political shield rather than a material one.

Across the Arab world, the mood has changed dramatically. Egypt views Hamas as a destabilizing factor on its Sinai frontier; Jordan and the Gulf monarchies see it as a residue of the Muslim Brotherhood; and Saudi Arabia, pursuing strategic normalization with Israel, has little appetite for association. The UAE, a key Arab power, treats Hamas as a security threat rather than a liberation movement. This new regional consensus marks a profound isolation for the group.

Yet, Hamas is not entirely defeated. It continues to command thousands of fighters, retains limited weapons stockpiles, and still projects control over parts of Gaza. More importantly, popular sympathy for the Palestinian cause across the Muslim world remains deeply rooted. But sympathy does not translate into resources. Without substantial state sponsorship, Hamas is now sustained mainly by resilience, underground networks, and a sense of defiance rather than structured external support.

In essence, Hamas stands at a crossroads. Its godfathers have not fully abandoned it, but their backing has turned conditional and cautious. The movement survives, but in a diminished, more isolated form — powerful enough to persist, yet too constrained to dominate. The age of ideological patronage is ending; what remains is a movement fighting for relevance amid the ruins it once ruled.

 

Why SAARC Lost Its Way?

When the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established in 1985, it represented a rare regional consensus in a politically fragmented subcontinent. The founding declaration emphasized collective self-reliance, mutual assistance, and the pursuit of shared prosperity. For a region holding nearly one-fourth of humanity, the potential was extraordinary. Yet, after four decades, SAARC stands largely dormant — a victim of geopolitical rivalry and institutional inertia rather than structural failure.

SAARC’s vision was ambitious but achievable: foster economic, social, and cultural cooperation to enhance the quality of life in member states. However, the trajectory of the organization was quickly derailed by the deep-rooted political mistrust between India and Pakistan. The unresolved Kashmir dispute, periodic border tensions, and competing security narratives transformed the platform into a casualty of bilateral hostility. Since the 2014 Kathmandu Summit, SAARC’s high-level meetings have been suspended indefinitely, leaving the secretariat in Kathmandu underutilized and politically irrelevant.

The cost of this dormancy has been immense. Intra-regional trade among SAARC members remains below 6 percent of total trade — the lowest for any comparable regional bloc. Transport corridors, energy-sharing projects, and digital connectivity initiatives have been stalled. The absence of a collective policy voice has left South Asia peripheral in major global economic and climate negotiations.

Comparatively, ASEAN and the European Union began with modest frameworks centered on trade facilitation and economic complementarity, eventually evolving into influential regional institutions. Their success was not rooted in political harmony but in the understanding that economic interdependence can temper political rivalry. SAARC, unfortunately, allowed politics to precede economics, forfeiting the very logic that drives successful regionalism.

The failure to institutionalize decision-making has also weakened SAARC’s resilience. The Secretariat operates with limited resources and minimal authority. Summits and ministerial meetings, which should function as policy engines, have instead become arenas for diplomatic signaling. Moreover, the proliferation of alternative regional frameworks — notably BIMSTEC and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization — reflects the shifting preferences of member states toward arrangements perceived as more functional or geopolitically advantageous.

Yet, it would be incorrect to describe SAARC as obsolete. The organization retains a symbolic and functional foundation that can be reactivated. Its network of specialized bodies in agriculture, environment, health, and disaster management continues to operate, albeit at suboptimal capacity. More importantly, the shared challenges of climate vulnerability, energy security, and regional inequality demand precisely the kind of coordinated response that only a platform like SAARC can provide.

The need is not to abandon SAARC but to reimagine it — as a mechanism of pragmatic regionalism rather than political posturing. The first step toward revival is to acknowledge why it failed: not because its goals were unrealistic, but because national egos overshadowed collective rationality. South Asia’s sleeping might remain potent; it only awaits political maturity to awaken.

An Update on New York City Mayoral Race 2025

The 2025 New York City mayoral race has emerged as a defining moment for the city’s political direction, with Zohran Mamdani now widely viewed as the frontrunner. The general election is scheduled for November 04, 2025, and will decide whether the city embraces a progressive shift or returns to centrist leadership.

Zohran Mamdani, a 33-year-old Democratic state assemblyman from Queens, represents a new generation of progressive voices in New York politics. Born in Uganda to Indian parents and raised in New York, Mamdani has built his career around social equity, immigrant rights, and economic justice. Identifying as a democratic socialist, he defeated former governor Andrew Cuomo in the Democratic primary held on June 24, 2025 — a result that shocked political observers and reshaped expectations for the general election.

Mamdani’s campaign focuses on affordable housing through rent regulation and public investment, reforming the NYPD’s oversight and budget, and addressing widening income disparities. His movement has drawn strong backing from younger voters, immigrant communities, and progressive groups, setting him apart from Cuomo, who is now contesting as an independent candidate appealing to moderates and centrist Democrats. Republican Curtis Sliwa remains a distant third.

Recent Emerson College and Quinnipiac University polls show Mamdani leading with 43–46 percent support, followed by Cuomo with 28–33 percent and Sliwa with 10–15 percent. With housing affordability and public safety dominating debate, Mamdani’s rise reflects both the city’s frustrations and its yearning for generational change.