The process of revival begins with institutional restructuring.
SAARC’s Secretariat in Kathmandu must be transformed from a symbolic
coordination office into an empowered regional policy hub. This requires
financial autonomy, a merit-based staffing system, and authority to monitor and
evaluate implementation.
Member states should establish a SAARC Development Fund,
enabling cross-border infrastructure, health, and education projects
independent of political disruptions. Regular ministerial meetings, even at
sub-regional levels, can sustain policy momentum when summits stall.
Economic integration remains the most practical catalyst for
reactivation. South Asia’s intra-regional trade potential is estimated at over
US$100 billion, yet remains trapped below 6 percent of total commerce.
The complete operationalization of the South Asian Free
Trade Area (SAFTA) must be prioritized, coupled with the removal of non-tariff
barriers and the adoption of digital customs and payment systems.
A regional e-commerce and logistics framework could
integrate small and medium enterprises across borders, reducing trade costs and
increasing competitiveness.
Energy cooperation offers another powerful unifying
platform. Hydropower trade among Nepal, Bhutan, and India, and gas pipeline
connectivity involving Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan could underpin
mutual interdependence.
A “SAARC Energy Corridor,” integrating electricity grids and
renewable-energy investment, would not only enhance supply security but also
establish climate-friendly growth foundations.
People-to-people diplomacy is equally critical. Academic
partnerships, student mobility programs, media collaboration, and cultural
exchanges can foster regional consciousness that transcends political disputes.
Civil-society engagement and private-sector participation
should complement intergovernmental dialogue.
The long-term sustainability of SAARC lies not in
bureaucratic communiqués but in public ownership of the regional project.
Pakistan’s role in this reawakening is pivotal.
Geographically positioned at the crossroads of South, Central, and West Asia,
Islamabad can act as a natural bridge for trade and energy corridors.
Reframing its regional engagement from security-centric to
economic-centric diplomacy could reposition Pakistan as a constructive
stakeholder in regional stability.
Advocating connectivity rather than confrontation would
strengthen its diplomatic leverage and economic prospects simultaneously.
Ultimately, SAARC’s revival depends on political will — not
from external actors but from within South Asia itself. The logic is simple:
collective prosperity is indivisible.
Competing regional architectures cannot substitute for the
historical, cultural, and economic interdependence that binds SAARC members.
By re-energizing this sleeping might, South Asia can finally
transition from a region of unrealized potential to one of shared progress.
The moment calls for leadership that recognizes cooperation
as power, not concession. SAARC’s awakening will not occur overnight, but
without the first deliberate steps, South Asia risks remaining a fragmented
geography rather than a united economic community.

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