Saturday, 12 July 2025

Iranian rationale of attacking US base in Qatar

On June 23, 2025, as tensions between Iran and Israel reached their highest point in years, several Iranian ballistic missiles struck the Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar. This was no ordinary target, it is the main hub for US military operations in West Asia and a key symbol of American power projection in the region. 

Iran informed the US about the attack 12 hours before it was to happen, according to information previously disclosed by the Tehran Times. The official American response was swift and predictable - both Washington and Doha downplayed the incident, claiming there were no casualties or significant damage. However, reality soon overrode the narrative. Satellite images published days later confirmed the destruction of a geodesic dome that housed critical communication systems of the US Central Command.

Far from being anecdotal, this episode marks a strategic turning point. Iran has shown it can strike critical infrastructure under American protection, redrawing the contours of deterrence in the Persian Gulf. The missile ceases to be merely a weapon of war; it becomes a tool of sovereignty and strategic assertion.

Between official denial and satellite evidence

The US version was clear and firm from the outset “No casualties, no damage,” repeated Pentagon spokespeople. But satellite evidence, analyzed by international media and independent agencies, told a different story.

Images taken between June 23 and 25 showed the disappearance of a US$15 million communications dome, debris, and collateral damage to surrounding structures. Although the base remained operational, the loss of a key component for electronic warfare cast doubt on the effectiveness of US missile defenses—and on the credibility of the official account.

Washington’s refusal to acknowledge the strike follows a dual logic - maintaining control over the media narrative and avoiding the perception of vulnerability before an actor—Iran—that, despite sanctions and isolation, has reached a notable level of technological sophistication.

Al Udeid: A symbol of hegemony in question

Located about 30 kilometers from Doha, Al Udeid is more than just a military base. It serves as the forward headquarters of CENTCOM and is the nerve center for coordinating operations in Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan. Its symbolism goes beyond the military - it is the cornerstone of the security architecture the United States has built in the region since the First Persian Gulf War.

The fact that Iran managed to strike such a site—and that US forces reportedly evacuated aircraft and sensitive personnel beforehand—does not diminish the significance of the attack. On the contrary, it indicates that Tehran sent a precise warning and that Washington took it seriously. Deterrence, long monopolized by the US and Israel, is no longer a one-way street.

The missile as national strategy: Evolution and autonomy

The strike on Al Udeid was not an isolated act but the result of a deliberate evolution. For over two decades, Iran has systematically invested in ballistic missile development as an asymmetric response to the air and nuclear superiority of its adversaries. Faced with Western restrictions, Tehran adopted a doctrine of defensive self-sufficiency based on three pillars:

Diversification: Short, medium, and long range missiles like Shahab-3, Ghadr, Qiam, and Sejjil, capable of reaching Israel, US bases, and parts of southern Europe.

Mobility: Mobile launch systems that are hard to detect and neutralize.

Precision: Advanced guidance systems that have reduced the margin of error to levels that even Western analysts now acknowledge.

Unlike other regional missile programs, Iran’s development is overwhelmingly domestic. This technical and logistical autonomy has allowed the country to bypass embargoes and threats, turning the missile into the backbone of its defense doctrine.

Following Israel’s offensive against nuclear, military, and civilian sites inside Iran, Tehran responded with a large-scale launch of over a hundred ballistic missiles and suicide drones targeting Israeli military positions. For the first time, Iran’s ballistic arsenal was used en masse in open conflict.

Despite the Iron Dome and other Israeli defenses, several missiles penetrated and struck Tel Aviv, Haifa, and military bases. The missile attacks not only caused physical damage but also had a strategic impact: saturating defenses, prompting emergency deployments, and creating unprecedented internal pressure on Israeli authorities.

The Al Udeid strike was the culmination of a graduated strategy - to hit Israel, neutralize its offensive capacity, and send a direct message to the United States. The ceasefire that followed days later cannot be understood without factoring in the missile component as a deterrent force.

Sovereignty and independence: The Iranian perspective

Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran’s foreign and defense policy has been rooted in the principle of non-negotiable sovereignty. In a hostile environment—surrounded by foreign bases and under sanctions—the development of ballistic missiles has not been framed as a belligerent impulse, but as a survival strategy.

Tehran maintains that its only guarantee in the face of threats like the US “maximum pressure” campaign or Israeli targeted strikes is its ability to respond. Effective deterrence, it argues, is only possible when there is certainty that any aggression will come at a high cost.

The attack on Al Udeid follows this logic - it was calibrated, precise, and deliberately non-lethal. Its aim was not to trigger a regional war but to underscore that Iran has both the capacity—and the resolve—to defend its vital interests. The missile, in this vision, is not a threat; it is a political argument.

 

Israel boasts destruction of Beit Hanoun

According to media reports, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz on Friday shared an aerial image of Beit Hanoun, a city in northern Gaza, boasting of its total destruction and declaring, "After Rafah and Beit Hanoun ... there is no refuge for terrorism."

The image, posted to Katz's official X account, depicts a flattened urban landscape — reduced to rubble and ruins — revealing the extent of devastation inflicted on the town.

Beit Hanoun, located along Gaza’s northern border with Israel, was among the first areas invaded by the Israeli army during its ground operation that began on October 28, 2023.

More than 21 months into the war on Gaza, Palestinian armed factions have continued to launch organized ambushes in the area, challenging Israel’s military objectives.

Last week, five Israeli soldiers from the “Netzah Yehuda” Battalion were killed and 14 others injured — two critically — in an attack in Beit Hanoun, according to official Israeli military reports.

A military investigation confirmed that Hamas fighters detonated three explosive devices targeting an Israeli foot patrol, followed by direct gunfire.

The Israeli military has increasingly relied on heavy artillery and aerial bombardment to enforce control over Beit Hanoun, which it recently claimed to have surrounded.

On June 2, 2024, Gaza’s Municipal Emergency Committee declared Beit Hanoun a “disaster area” due to near-total destruction of infrastructure, essential services, and the collapse of humanitarian conditions. Before the war, the town had a population of around 60,000 spread over 17,000 dunams.

Despite mounting global pressure, Israel continues to reject calls for a ceasefire. Since the launch of its full-scale offensive in late October 2023, Israeli bombardments have killed nearly 57,800 Palestinians, most of them women and children.

The destruction has triggered catastrophic humanitarian conditions across Gaza, with widespread food shortages, the collapse of medical facilities, and the rapid spread of disease.

The war has drawn international legal scrutiny. In November, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant over war crimes and crimes against humanity. Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice.

IRGC foils terror plot in Southeastern Iran

Reportedly, Iran’s Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) has announced the successful neutralization of a terrorist cell in the southeastern province of Sistan and Baluchistan, dealing a significant blow to hostile groups operating near the border with Pakistan.

In a statement issued, the IRGC Ground Force’s Quds Base confirmed that six members of a terrorist group were killed in a swift counterterrorism raid in the coastal city of Chabahar. The operation coincided with the ongoing Martyrs of Security military exercises being conducted across the region.

According to the statement, the militants’ hideouts were discovered with the help of vigilant local residents. A cache of light and heavy weaponry, along with a large quantity of explosives, was seized during the operation.

The IRGC noted that the neutralized terrorists had been planning a series of coordinated attacks targeting crowded public areas. Their elimination is believed to have averted a potential wave of deadly violence.

Sistan and Baluchistan—long a target of terrorist activity—has seen frequent attacks against both civilians and Iranian security forces in recent years. Armed groups operating in the region, particularly along the Pakistan border, are often linked to foreign intelligence networks, according to Iranian officials.

One of the deadliest incidents in recent months occurred on October 26 of last year, when 10 Iranian police officers were killed in a terrorist attack in Taftan County’s Gohar Kuh district.

The Jaish al-Zulm terrorist group, known for its armed operations and abductions in the region, claimed responsibility for the assault. The outfit has been behind numerous attacks in Sistan and Baluchistan, targeting border outposts, police stations, and civilians in an effort to destabilize the area and sow unrest.

The IRGC reiterated its commitment to safeguarding the nation’s borders and maintaining security throughout the region, vowing continued vigilance in the face of foreign-backed threats.

 

US to send Ukraine weapons through NATO

US President Trump has announced that a deal was struck with NATO to send weapons to Ukraine, with the military alliance bearing the brunt of the cost, reports The Hill. 

“We’re sending weapons to NATO, and NATO is paying for those weapons, 100 percent,” he said in a phone interview with NBC News. “So, what we’re doing is, the weapons that are going out are going to NATO, and then NATO is going to be giving those weapons to Ukraine, and NATO is paying for those weapons.”

The president added that the deal was struck in June at the NATO summit in The Hague.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the US is talking to multiple countries in Europe, including Spain and Germany that have Patriot batteries — a key element in the defense system used to intercept and destroy ballistic missiles — about sending them over to Kyiv. 

“Well, the Spaniards have them. They’re really far from Ukraine and they have one. The Germans have, others have them — I’m not singling them out, but I’m just telling you those are two that I know,” Rubio told reporters while in Malaysia after his meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. “There are other Patriot batteries, and there are other opportunities.”

The conversation comes as the president intensified his criticism of Russian President Vladimir Putin in recent days, saying the two leaders have made “no progress” on brokering a potential ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine. Trump also said he does not think Putin is looking to halt the war in Eastern Europe, which has been ongoing since its invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

The Trump administration restarted sending some defense weapons to Ukraine on Monday, days after the Defense Department ordered a pause on delivering some air defense missiles and munitions, citing concerns of US stockpiles being depleted.

NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte said he spoke with Trump on Thursday and has pushed allies within the alliance to send weapons to Ukraine. 

 

 

Friday, 11 July 2025

PSX benchmark index up 1.8%WoW

Pakistan Stock Exchange (PSX) continued upward momentum during the week, driven by expectations of strong earnings. The benchmark Index was up 2,351 points or 1.8%WoW, closing the week at 134,300 points on Friday July 11, 2025.

Positive sentiments were reinforced by workers’ remittances rising to US$3.4 billion in June 2025, up 8%YoY, taking FY25 inflows to US$38.3 billion, up 27%YoY.

Foreign exchange reserves held by State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) were reported at US$14.5 billion as of July 04, 2025. Despite that PKR witnesses slight depreciation.

However, market participation declined, with average daily traded volumes falling by 2.0%WoW to 948 million shares, down from 967 million shares in the earlier week.

The GoP raised PKR1.4 trillion from T-Bills auction.

Auto sales for June 2025 were recorded at 25,305 units, up 43%YoY, driven by higher Passenger Cars and LCVs sales, mainly due to pre buying ahead of the proposed GST hike on vehicles up to 850cc from 12.5% to 18%.

The government utilized a total of PKR1,045 billion, out of the budgeted allocation of PKR1,100 billion, for development projects during FY25.

Other major news flow during the week included: 1) Pakistan retires PKR500 billion SBP debt early, 2) GoP raises PKR208 billion from PIBs auction, 3) Textile exports rose by 7.22%YoY in FY25, 4) Pakistan and Russia discuss steel mill revival, and 5) Nepra announced negative FCA of PKR4.03/kwh for KE consumers.

Woollen, Jute, Textile spinning, Textile composite, and Modaraba, were amongst the top performing sectors, while ETFs, Technology & Communication, Close-end Mutual Funds, Oil & Gas Exploration, and Refinery were amongst the laggards.

Major buying of US$19.2 million and US$14.1 million was recorded by Mutual Funds and Individuals, respectively. Companies and Banks were the sellers during the week, with a net sell of US$8.9 million and US$8.7 million, respectively.

Top performing scrips of the week were: 1) BNWM, MEHT, GADT, KTML, and KOHC, while laggards included: PSEL, AIRLINK, PKGP, BAHL, and EFERT.

According to AKD Securities, PSX is likely to maintain a positive trend in the coming weeks, driven by the expectations of strong corporate earnings.

The index is anticipated to remain on upward trajectory, primarily driven by strong earnings in Fertilizers, sustained ROEs in Banks, and improving cash flows of E&Ps and OMCs, benefiting from falling interest rates and economic stability.

Top picks of the brokerage house include: OGDC, PPL, PSO, FFC, ENGROH, MCB, HBL, KOHC, FCCL, INDU, and SYS.

A new militia in Gaza to challenge Hamas

A 300 member strong Palestinian militia has emerged in Gaza, aiming to liberate the Strip from Hamas — and now it says it has the backing of Israel, reports Euronews.

The group, calling itself the Popular Forces, operates in eastern Rafah under the leadership of Yasser Abu Shabab, a Bedouin man in his thirties who spent years in Hamas detention for criminal activities before October 07, attacks freed him from prison.

According to comments made exclusively to Euronews, Abu Shabab’s group — not to be confused with Somalia’s Islamist extremists, Al-Shabaab — first banded together in June 2024.

The Popular Forces, who also go by the moniker Anti-Terror Service, describe themselves as mere "volunteers from among the people" who protect humanitarian aid from "looting, corruption and organized theft" by Hamas-affiliated groups.

"We are not a substitute for the state, nor are we a party to any political conflict," the group said in a statement to Euronews. "We are not professional fighters ... as we do not engage in guerrilla warfare tactics."

Hamas has responded with direct assassinations against Popular Forces members, going on a show of force against potential rival organizations despite months of Israeli military strikes.

"Hamas has killed over 50 of our volunteers, including members of Commander Yasser's family, while we were guarding aid convoys," the Popular Forces spokesperson said.

Earlier, Hamas firmly rejected allegations of war profiteering and humanitarian aid theft, also levelled at them by Israel — something the Popular Forces insist is in fact still happening.

Meanwhile, Yasser Abu Shabab himself revealed his group is “coordinating” with the Israeli army in Rafah.

In an interview on Sunday with Israeli public broadcaster KAN’s Arabic-language radio, Abu Shabab said his group is cooperating with Israel on “support and assistance” but not “military actions,” which he explained were conducted solely by his group.

While the Popular Forces have since denied that Abu Shabab gave the interview to KAN altogether after coming under fire from critics in Gaza, the arrangement would represent Israel's latest attempt to cultivate local partners who might challenge Hamas’ control of the Strip.

A broader coalition, including the Palestinian Authority (PA), Egypt, the UAE and the US, is reportedly involved in seeking alternatives to Hamas rule.

"These popular forces are a two-edged sword," Fleur Hassan-Nahoum, Jerusalem's deputy mayor and Foreign Ministry special envoy, told Euronews.

"We're not talking about peace-loving democrats. We're talking about gangs who've had enough of the biggest gang of all, which is Hamas."

Although wary of Abu Shabab, Hassan-Nahoum also acknowledged Israel has little choice. "There were two Gazas," she explained. "There was the Gaza of Hamas ... and then there was the second Gaza of the disenfranchised people who weren't part of Hamas."

And some among the disenfranchised have simply reached a breaking point, Hassan-Nahoum said. "These gangs, I believe, have just gotten to the point where they feel that Hamas is weak, and obviously, they've created the biggest catastrophe for the Gaza Strip in history."

Syria's Ahmed al-Sharaa, who transitioned from al-Qaeda affiliate leader and wanted terrorist under the nom de guerre Abu Mohammad al-Jolani to a legitimate political role as the country’s leader, was an example where the 180-degree turn could work despite skepticism, Hassan-Nahoum added.

Israel's friends have forgotten why we hired them?

If you needed one sentence to sum up this week’s column printed in The Jerusalem Post it is, Diaspora generosity is heroic, but too many of the institutions that collect our money have lost the plot, padding paychecks, upgrading seats, and hoarding cash, while Israelis in genuine need wait.

Four years ago, sitting at my Makor Rishon desk with a stack of Form 990s, I stumbled on a line that made me almost fall off of my chair, The CEO of the Friends of the Israel Defense Forces was taking home more than US$1 million a year – more than the charity gave, annually, to the widows and orphans of IDF soldiers.

That discovery became my 2021 exposé on the FIDF’s decision to cut every shekel of its grant to the IDF Widows and Orphans Organization. I wrote then that something in the culture felt “toxic.” It turns out, the smell only got stronger.

Fast-forward to July 2025. An 18-page internal probe, leaked to Ynet and later obtained by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, accuses FIDF board chair Morey Levovitz of running the charity like a personal fiefdom - steering contracts to friends, sidelining professional staff, and racking up roughly US$53,000 in luxury-travel reimbursements that may violate the group’s own rules. The San Francisco chapter, one of the FIDF’s most generous donor pools, has frozen contributions in protest.

This is not okay, because donors thought their gifts were racing to the front lines. Instead, almost half of last year’s US$280 million windfall, raised after Hamas’s October 07 massacre, never left the FIDF’s bank account. Consultant Arnie Draiman called it “a hurricane outside and a rainy-day fund inside.” Meanwhile, grassroots groups crowd-funded basic helmets for reservists.

The FIDF’s response will one day be taught as textbook crisis public relations, hire a white-shoe law firm, bring in a communications agency, and promise to “reinforce policies.” Necessary steps, yes, but donors are asking a more straightforward question, Why should a charity dedicated to soldiers need an 18-month compliance overhaul before buying soldiers what they actually ask for?

The FIDF is hardly alone. In January 2024, the American Society for Yad Vashem, for decades the Holocaust museum’s primary US fundraiser, quietly posted a banner on its homepage, “Effective January 01, 2024, the ASYV is no longer affiliated with Yad Vashem.” The split followed a bitter battle over an US$80 million endowment that the ASYV’s board says Yad Vashem chairman Dani Dayan tried to “raid.”

Here, too, an institution that marketed itself as a “friend” of Jerusalem seemed to forget that being a friend does not confer ownership. The pattern repeats across the alphabet soup of communal nonprofits, comfortable New York or Los Angeles boards grow distant, local staff shrink into compliance, and Israeli partners, who once begged for dollars, discover they can raise money online themselves.

Part of the blame lies with the donors. They confuse size with impact, galas with governance. They love a red-carpet photo of Ashton Kutcher bidding US$200,000 for a lone-soldier scholarship, but they rarely read the fine print that explains where the administration fee ends and the scholarship begins.

Part of it is structural. “Friends-of” charities were born when Israeli institutions lacked the sophistication or the credit-card processing to fundraise abroad. Today, any hospital, museum, or start-up can open a Stripe account in minutes. The middlemen stay relevant by cultivating exclusivity - Donate through us; we alone speak for the cause. That arrangement works until the cause decides to speak for itself.

And part of it is crisis fatigue. Since October 07, donations to Israeli causes have surged, but so have urgent appeals - helmets, tourniquets, post-trauma therapy, evacuee housing, northern-front shelters. When everyone is shouting “emergency,” legacy organizations feel pressure to wave equally dramatic banners, maybe before doing the boring back-office work of reprioritizing budgets.

To be fair, the FIDF’s audited statements show a lean fundraising machine, it spends about seven cents to raise a dollar, and roughly 80% of outlays land in program buckets rather than overhead. Still, executive pay remains eye-popping - CEO Steven Weil took home US$667,000 in 2022, while the top 14 staffers shared US$4 million. Salaries are not sins, but they demand proportionate results and humility.

On the other side of the ledger, the ASYV supplied up to 30% of Yad Vashem’s annual budget before relations soured. Losing that stream mid-war is not just a governance soap opera; it is a strategic risk to Israel’s flagship Holocaust-education center, precisely when antisemitism is spiking.

Numbers, though, are sterile. Let me bring you back to the widows’ office in Tel Aviv in 2021. A wall of photographs, smiling young soldiers, black ribbons at the corner, reminded me why NGOs exist. The director told me the FIDF cut meant canceling summer retreats for children who had already buried a parent. “They’ll understand,” she said, forcing a smile. “Soldiers must come first.”

Soldiers, widows, orphans, evacuee kids, trauma therapists – none of them care whether the money flows through a 501(c)(3) in New York or a PayBox link in Beersheba. They care that it flows quickly, efficiently, and with transparency.

Donors must do their homework. Ask for audited statements, not press releases. If a nonprofit claims funds are “earmarked,” demand the letter that proves it.

Legacy boards must invite fresh Israeli voices. Diaspora expertise is invaluable, but lived Israeli reality keeps priorities honest.

Regulators should take note. US charity law already requires conflict-of-interest policies, yet the FIDF probe suggests that those policies often sit unread in binders.

Israeli beneficiaries must diversify their income. Counting on a single American “friends” group is a vulnerability; just ask Yad Vashem.

Newer outfits publish real-time dashboards of donations and deliveries. During the Israel-Hamas War, volunteer networks live streamed the purchase of ceramic vests and the hand-off to frontline units. Transparency built trust; trust unlocked more donations, which in turn fed the loop.

Legacy organizations can borrow those playbooks. Imagine the FIDF sending push alerts: “Your US$180 bought 12 trauma kits delivered today to Division 162.” Imagine the ASYV opening its endowment ledger so donors could trace every dollar to a specific educational program at Yad Vashem.

Jewish philanthropy is, at heart, relational. We give because we feel connected to soldiers guarding our borders, to survivors guarding our memory, to evacuees guarding our common future. That relationship is sacred. When nonprofit executives mistake our kindness for a blank check, they break not just a business contract but a communal covenant.

We can forgive mistakes. We cannot forgive arrogance masquerading as expertise, or first-class tickets labeled as “mission critical.” If an organization calls itself “Friends of” anything – IDF, Yad Vashem, Sheba Medical Center, take your pick – it should act like a friend - honest, transparent, responsive, and, above all, accountable.

Four years after my first uneasy look behind the FIDF’s curtain, I find myself saying something I never thought I would write: Maybe the era of automatic trust is over, and that is a healthy thing. Sunlight is good for soldiers and charities alike.

The next time a glossy invitation lands in your inbox promising, “Your donation will change lives,” don’t be shy. Ask for the receipts. Because in 2025, real friendship should come with full disclosure.