Monday, 18 December 2023

Rerouting of vessels to disrupt supply chains

Mounting attacks by Yemenis on ships in the Red Sea are disrupting maritime trade as leading global freight firms reroute around the Cape of Good Hope to avoid the Suez Canal.

The group said it launched a drone attack on a cargo vessel in the area on Monday, the latest in a series of missile and drone strikes on shipping which it says are a response to Israel's assault on the Gaza Strip.

Several major freight companies, including MSC, have begun to sail around Africa, adding costs and delays which are expected to be compounded over the coming weeks, according to industry analysts.

About 15% of world shipping traffic transits via the Suez Canal, the shortest shipping route between Europe and Asia.

Combined, the companies that have diverted vessels control around half of the global container shipping market, ABN Amro analyst Albert Jan Swart told Reuters. "Avoiding the Red Sea will lead to higher cost due to longer travel time," Swart said.

Oil major BP also temporarily paused all transits through the Red Sea, a sign the crisis - which has mostly affected goods freight until now - might broaden to include energy shipments. Crude oil prices rose on those concerns on Monday.

The Houthi attacks were forcing companies to rethink their connections with Israel, with Taiwan's Evergreen Marine saying on Monday it had decided to temporarily stop accepting Israeli cargo.

"For the safety of ships and crew, Evergreen Line has decided to temporarily stop accepting Israeli cargo with immediate effect, and has instructed its container ships to suspend navigation through the Red Sea until further notice," it said in a statement.

The war between Israel and Hamas, which began on October 07, has sent shockwaves through the region and drawn in the United States and its allies on one side and Iran-backed paramilitary groups in the Middle East on the other, threatening to cause a broader conflict.

The shipping attacks have prompted the United States and its allies to discuss a task force that would protect Red Sea routes, a move that US and Israeli arch-foe Tehran has warned would be a mistake.

Rico Luman, an analyst at ING, said the diversions were adding at least a week of sailing time for container liners. Typically, shipping goods from Shanghai to Rotterdam takes around 27 days via the Suez Canal.

"This will at least lead to delays in late December, with knock-on effects in January and probably February as the next round will also be delayed," Luman said.

While freight rates will likely increase on these longer voyages too, carriers at the moment are seeking ways to utilize excess capacity, said Zvi Schreiber, CEO of global freight platform Freightos.

"It is unlikely that rates will spike to levels experienced during the pandemic," said Schreiber, referring to the economic effects of COVID-19 from 2020.

Shipping stocks rose across European exchanges in morning trading on Monday after a jump on Friday on bets the shift away from the Suez Canal could boost rates. A.P. Moller-Maersk rose 3.5% in early trade in Copenhagen, before paring some of those gains.

The Suez Canal is an important source of foreign currency for Egypt. Some 90% of world trade is transported by sea.

The International Chamber of Shipping Association said on Friday that the Houthi assault on shipping lanes, which began last month, was an "extremely serious threat to international trade" and urged naval forces in the area to do all they can to stop the attacks.

 

Sunday, 17 December 2023

Biden pressurized to focus on deterring Iran

The spate of attacks from Iranian-backed groups across the region, which broke out nearly two months ago on October 17 amid the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza, are not letting up and have spurred growing anger on Capitol Hill.

Republicans are pushing the Biden administration to project more strength against the Iranian-backed groups. 

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said on the floor Wednesday that Biden must focus on the task at hand — deterring Iran. 

These Iranian-backed groups are not deterred, they believe they can try to kill Americans with impunity, McConnell said, calling for Biden to get serious about the threats we face. 

Republican presidential candidates also called out Biden on the debate stage. Ron DeSantis, a Navy veteran said American troops are sitting ducks in the Middle East.

Nikki Haley, former UN ambassador, accused Biden of appeasing Iran.“They only respond to strength,” Haley said of Iran. “You’ve got to punch them, you’ve got to punch them hard and let them know that.” 

Since October 17, Iranian-backed groups in Iraq and Syria have attacked US bases and troops 92 times, according to the Pentagon’s latest estimate. 

The US has also engaged the Houthi rebels in Yemen several times. The Houthis, who are also backed by Iran, have shot drones at American ships and attacked merchant vessels, including the successful hijacking of one commercial boat last month.  

Those attacks are in the Red Sea, where about 10% of the world’s commerce flows through every year. 

With the attacks stacking up and stirring criticism, defense officials argue the main objective is to contain the Israel-Hamas war and prevent a wider regional conflict, with Washington taking proportional measures against Iranian-backed militias. 

The dangerous tit for tat is spurring concerns the US is playing with fire — and creating fears that a misstep could spark an even greater surge of violence. 

“We’re in a really terrible, unstable and vulnerable condition,” said Thanassis Cambanis, the director of Century International, a progressive think tank. “Even if Iran and the US don’t want a wider war, it’s easy for miscalculation to produce one.” 

The militants waging war in the Middle East against the US have been doing so for years — there were some 70 attacks on US forces between 2021 and early 2023, many by Iran-backed groups in Iraq and elsewhere.

But the breakout of the Israel-Hamas war sparked an unprecedented number of attacks in a short time frame.

Analysts say the militia groups — and Iran — want to send a message of solidarity with the Palestinian people, while they are also bristling against increased US military presence, including American aircraft carrier ships and nuclear-powered submarines in the region.

The US is struggling with two major wars in Gaza and Ukraine. With those hot conflicts stretching Washington thin, the Biden administration’s main goal is to ensure there is not a wider regional war in the Middle East. 

Pentagon press secretary Maj. Gen. Pat Ryder told reporters Thursday the US is succeeding in deterring Iranian-backed militia groups.  

“That’s not to say that the challenges associated with Iranian proxies attacking US forces in Iraq and Syria or the rebels firing missiles at international shipping are not something we shouldn’t take serious,” Ryder said.

“But we will address those problems in the way that we’ve been doing. And we will continue to stay very focused on not only deterring, but also protecting our force.” 

Michael Knights, an expert in Iraq and Iran at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said the US has managed to keep the fighting at a proportional level, and while that doesn’t look good in a headline, in reality there is no real threat. 

Knights noted that no American service members have died in the recent attacks, and the militia groups appear to be designing the rocket and drone attacks to avoid fatalities

“They have a pretty limited chance of hitting Americans, and sometimes [the strikes] are quite aimed off, because large salvos haven’t even landed within the bases,” Knights said. “There’s been a lot of bangs, but they’ve all fallen into what we call the polite category, which means we’re largely looking at single drone attacks that the US can just eat for breakfast.” 

But Knights said the deterrence of the Houthis near Yemen has failed, and the US may deliberately be holding back from carrying out more destructive strikes.

One reason for the restraint could be to prevent the unraveling of peace talks in a years-long war between Houthi rebels and the Yemeni government, both of which are in a fragile cease-fire, he added. 

“The US doesn’t want to disrupt that peace process … and the Houthis are taking full advantage of that because they know right now they can do whatever they want,” Knights said. “They are the part of the deterrence puzzles where the US is doing the least well.” 

The Houthis, like Lebanon’s Hezbollah, are a prominent Iranian-backed faction and have earned their stripes in the war with Yemen’s government. That has molded them into a more formidable fighting force compared with other militia groups in Iran’s sphere. 

Michael McCaul, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, slammed Biden for failing to stop the Houthi attacks and urged greater action against the group, including a foreign terrorist organization (FTO) designation.  

“By prioritizing politics over security, this administration emboldened the Houthis, enabling them to develop more advanced weapons, deepen ties with Iran, and further entrench their control over millions of innocent Yemenis,” McCaul said in a statement.

“It is clear that the Houthis are a threat to Yemen, our partners across the Middle East, US service members and citizens in the region, and freedom of navigation and global commerce.” 

Jason Blazakis, director of the Center on Terrorism, Extremism, and Counterterrorism at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies, said the FTO designation would help the US and likely would not endanger Houthi-Yemen peace talks. 

“It would be a signal of US displeasure with Iranian action,” he said. “There needs to be a response to the Houthis because of their untoward activities. They’ve become increasingly belligerent. That can’t be ignored.” 

The US is also considering a maritime task force, which would be made up of attack ships from several countries, to defend ships against Houthi threats in the Red Sea.

Tensions are likely to remain high as long as Israel’s war to defeat Hamas rages in Gaza, with devastating consequences for civilians there. On Thursday, Israel’s defense minister said the war in Gaza could last months.  

Lawrence Wilkerson, a retired U.S. colonel who previously served under former Secretary of State Colin Powell, said Biden should bring the war in Gaza to a resolution if he wants to stop the Middle East conflict from ballooning out of control. 

 “Until we decide to essentially cut down our power a bit and let things settle,” he said, “they aren’t going to.” 

 

Saturday, 16 December 2023

Iran rejects US naval task force for Red Sea

Iran’s defense minister has dismissed US plan to form a marine task force in the Red Sea with the apparent goal of defending vessels headed toward Israel.

Brigadier General Mohammad Reza Ashtiani issued a severe warning to the United States in statements that were made public stressing that there is no space in the region for foreigners to move around and establish a presence.

He also expressed confidence that the United States would never do such a foolish conduct since it would generate a slew of complications.

“Americans would not definitely do such a thing. If they intend to do such a foolish act, they will face plenty of problems,” the Iranian official warned.  

Following a string of Yemeni attacks on ships that were either Israeli-owned or sailing toward the occupied Palestinian territories, the Pentagon announced last week that it was prepared to assist in the formation of a maritime task force to safeguard commerce shipping in the Red Sea. This announcement prompted the warning.

National security advisor to President Joe Biden, Jake Sullivan, stated on December 04 that such patrols or escorts could be the proper reaction to ships being targeted in the region.

The US has hinted that a number of important countries have shown interest in joining the maritime task force.

Yemen’s Ansarullah resistance movement dismissed US plans to form a maritime task force in the Red Sea, saying the group has numerous stinging pressure leverages that can be activated in the strategic body of water.

“We have stinging pressure leverages against the countries that will participate in the coalition in the Red Sea against Yemen,” said Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a member of Ansarullah's political bureau.

Earlier this month, Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman rejected British accusations that Iran was involved in a spate of attacks targeting Israeli vessels in the Red Sea, calling the claims baseless and politically motivated. 

“These claims are raised with specific political motives and indicate the efforts of the British authorities to distort the realities of the region and their susceptibility to the preferences of third parties, including the child-killing Zionist regime,” Nasser Kanaani said.

He added that such provocative statements by London pose a threat to regional and international stability. 

“As we have stated clearly before, the resistance groups in the region do not take orders from the Islamic Republic of Iran to confront and respond to the war crimes and genocide of the Zionist regime. These groups make their own decisions based on their principles, priorities, and interests of their country and people.”

Kanaani also advised the British authorities to focus their energy on bringing an end to the Israeli war crimes in Gaza, instead of coming up with baseless accusations. 

Yemenis have declared open support for Palestine’s struggle against Israeli occupation since the regime launched a devastating war on Gaza on October 07 in response to the territory’s Palestinian resistance movements carrying out a surprise retaliatory attack against the occupying entity, dubbed Operation Al-Aqsa Storm.

 

Yemen one of the key resistance in Gaza war

When Israel began its deadly attacks on Gaza, few thought that Yemen would become one of the key players in this war. The intervention of Ansar Allah of Yemen in the recent war is subject to several considerations and analyses.

One dimension of this intervention is economic. In fact, Ansar Allah has opened the third economic front against Israel.

The first front is related to Gaza. Tel Aviv has called up 360,000 reserve forces in attacking Gaza, and tens of thousands have also left southern Israel.

On the second front, Hezbollah's movements in northern Israel have also paralyzed the economy of this region.

The economic costs on these two fronts have been high for the regime. Official sources in Israel have admitted that the country's economy has shrunk by 15% in the last three months of the year.

The tourism industry has almost stopped, and retail has also declined significantly. The unemployment rate has reached about 10%, while in the month before October, this rate was less than 4%.

Ansar Allah started their economic war against the regime in the foreign trade field by opening the third front.

They began their work less than a month ago by seizing the Galaxy Leader. They recently announced that only Israeli ships will not be targeted, insisting all commercial ships that travel from Israeli ports to another country or vice versa will be seized or attacked.

In recent days, they have attacked several container ships in the Red Sea. The attacks have led to the closure of Eilat port, and commercial ships are forced to circumnavigate the whole of Africa to reach Israeli ports without any hassle, resulting in increased travel time and therefore higher transportation costs.

These attacks have not only increased insurance cost for the ships heading to Israel, but also burdened the already under-pressure Israeli economy.

The Red Sea corridor is vital for Israel's economy, and the continuation of the current situation will become increasingly difficult and expensive for it.

"National Security Council" has issued urgent instructions to Israel’s ports to remove information related to the arrival and departure of ships from their websites.

Another solution proposed by some Zionist experts is to transport goods to Port Said in Egypt and unload them there, then transfer them to smaller ships and transport them to Israeli ports. However, this solution is not practically feasible. In fact, they know that they have no practical and military options against Ansar Allah.

However, the most important hope for Israel is to try to turn their problem into everyone's problem. They are doing their best to pretend that Yemen's actions endanger international trade security in the Red Sea and thus force others to solve their problem.

Although the Americans are involved in this project with Israel, as the revolutionary authorities of Yemen have stated, no one can prevent them from supporting the oppressed people of Palestine.

They have clearly announced the solution: stop the massacre in Gaza and deliver food, medicine, and vital goods to the besieged people. 

Ansar Allah's confrontation with Israel is not limited to economic warfare, and despite the great distance from the occupied territories, they have conducted missile and drone attacks on Israel.

The courageous actions of the Yemenis have embarrassed some Islamic countries that have many pressure tools to stop Israel's killing machine but do not use them. 

All of this is happening while the Yemenis themselves have been facing war and severe siege for more than 8 years ‑ despite all these pressures, they are stronger than ever in regional equations.

Without a doubt, making the Red Sea insecure for the economy of the Israeli regime is not the Yemenis' last card in this game. Bigger surprises may be on the way that the Yemenis will reveal in due time.

Courtesy: The Tehran Times

 

Friday, 15 December 2023

Pakistan: Understanding General Asim Munir Doctrine

Functioning as a security state, Pakistan has long formulated its foreign policy choices based on security needs and the aspiration to establish itself as a hard military power. This approach has allowed the military to play a leading role in shaping both, domestic and foreign policy decisions, often overshadowing civilian institutions. However, with changing global dynamics, the current civil-military establishment is actively signaling a shift in Pakistan’s strategic culture and foreign policy interests.

It has been just over a year since General Asim Munir took command of Pakistan's military; succeeding General (retired) Qamar Javed Bajwa in late November 2022. Apart from stepping into the most powerful role in Pakistan, Munir also inherited the legacy of Bajwa’s military doctrine, which not only shaped Pakistan's foreign policy but also presented considerable challenges for him to address.

Throughout his tenure, Bajwa orchestrated a paradigm shift in Pakistan's traditional geostrategic focus, transitioning from geopolitics to geoeconomics. This shift involved broadening the scope of Pakistan’s national security, moving beyond a primary emphasis on military defense, and recognizing economic security as a crucial factor for achieving improved traditional security outcomes.

To safeguard economic security, Bajwa aimed to enhance Pakistan's geostrategic importance by prioritizing regional connectivity and global development partnerships. He sought to position Pakistan as a key hub for trade, transit, and production in West, Central, and South Asia, intending to transition from aid-based dependencies to trade and investment partnerships.

Bajwa fell short of fully realizing his vision during his six years in office, with Pakistan continuing to rely heavily on International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans to support its declining economy. Munir now faces the challenging task of turning Bajwa’s unrealized vision into a reality. This requires cultivating positive interdependence and multi-alignment with a diverse range of partners, while also ensuring domestic stability.

An examination of Munir’s first year in office is crucial to assess his progress thus far and gain insight into the military’s current foreign policy vision.

Munir doctrine

A crucial aspect of Munir’s doctrine involves guiding Pakistan away from the strategic dilemma of choosing between the United States and China, and avoiding the significant costs it has incurred for Islamabad’s foreign policy.

Munir has made clear a preference for pursuing a hedging strategy, aiming to avoid getting entangled in global binary politics. His strategic approach is centered on maximizing Pakistan's economic gains to avoid subservience to major powers and increase its room for maneuver. He articulated this vision for defending Pakistan's sovereignty by building a robust economy, emphasizing that, “all Pakistanis must throw out the beggar’s bowl.”

At least three interrelated points characterize Munir's foreign policy vision, each representing significant challenges he must confront. These observations are drawn from his statements and actions up to this point.

First, he has expressed a commitment to project and advance a softer image of Pakistan.

Second, he has demonstrated a keen interest in elevating Pakistan as a regional middle power.

Third, he has placed a significant focus on prioritizing geo-economics over geopolitics.

Revamping Pakistan’s image

A state's image and reputation are pivotal in achieving foreign policy goals. Pakistan's global reputation is currently plagued by a host of domestic issues, all of which paint a picture of the country as a struggling democracy grappling with internal turmoil. Recent regime changes, the constitutional crisis over the next general elections, growing insecurity and the rise in terrorist attacks, escalating debt, human rights violations, political instability, socioeconomic disparities, growing inflation, and energy crises have all taken a toll on Pakistan's standing in the international community.

The country is increasingly perceived as an elitist state that struggles to address the genuine concerns of its citizens, moving closer to a praetorian state. This negative image is partly due to the hybrid governance model adopted prior to Munir's appointment, disrupting the balance of power between civilian and military authorities.

Under this system, the military has gained legal authority to govern key state institutions, but this has eroded its public image, a problem that has been exacerbated by allegations from popular leader Imran Khan of undermining democracy.

At present, there are lingering suspicions that the next general elections, currently scheduled for February 08, 2024, may not take place until Khan is absent from the political landscape. Despite being imprisoned and facing a ban from politics, Khan maintains significant popularity compared to his political rivals. As long as his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party remains a legitimate political entity, it poses a potential risk of securing a majority in parliament, a scenario the military establishment is unwilling to tolerate.

For their part, Western nations, including the United States and European Union, have issued warnings about potential consequences if the elections are delayed further or conducted unfairly. Adding to Pakistan's challenges, a group of US members of Congress recently urged the Biden administration to withhold military aid due to concerns over human rights abuses.

Dismissing such negative perceptions, Munir has pledged his commitment to upholding democracy in Pakistan. This underscores a major aspect of the Munir doctrine, which aims to restore the military's soft image both at home and abroad while retaining its influence in the country's governance.

Affirming Munir’s position, Interim Prime Minister Anwar-ul-Haq Kakar has asserted that the military's involvement in state governance is solely due to its organizational capabilities and has dismissed concerns that it might seek to manipulate the upcoming elections.

Pakistan a regional security actor

Historically, Pakistan has leveraged its advanced military capabilities as a crucial asset in its foreign relations, a reason why its defense cooperation takes precedence over economic ties with other countries. This security-centric foreign policy strategy has played a pivotal role in sustaining the functionality and institutional capacity of the military, even during the most testing periods. However, despite entering significant security and defense agreements, Pakistan has been unable to achieve much-needed stability and security.

A primary factor contributing to this challenge is the hostile internal and regional security environment in which Pakistan is situated. Munir's foreign policy vision reflects this strategic thinking, as evidenced by his statements and efforts in defense diplomacy.

He has expressed his desire to defend Pakistan against internal and cross-border terrorism while simultaneously transforming the country into a stabilizing regional security actor.

In terms of foreign policy initiatives, Munir has carved out a distinctive path, particularly in relation to India and Afghanistan. Taking a stern stance toward India, Munir has issued warnings of a swift proportional response in the event of an attack. He has also accused India of waging a proxy war against Pakistan through terrorist organizations.

Deviating from the traditional friendly ties between Pakistan's military and the Afghan Taliban, Munir has chosen to pursue a more adversarial policy toward the Kabul regime.

Accusing the Afghan government of sheltering anti-Pakistan terrorists, he has threatened a robust military response if Pakistan’s security demands are not met.

The ongoing deportation of 1.7 million Afghans residing in Pakistan is evidence of Munir’s stringent policy against the Afghan Taliban. In defense of the massive deportations, Munir has contended that the expulsion of Afghans, whom he alleges to be involved in most terrorist activities in Pakistan, would enhance the country’s internal security.

Strategic neutrality

Munir has articulated his aspiration to safeguard Pakistan's strategic autonomy and territorial integrity, with the objective of maintaining a neutral middle power status in the global context.

This vision may have taken shape as a response to the deliberate strategic maneuvers of middle powers, which have astutely capitalized on the rivalry between the West and Russia, as well as the competition between the United States and China, to bolster their bargaining positions, all while avoiding being ensnared in their confrontations.

Achieving genuine neutrality may be a tall order though and would require, first and foremost, full independence from foreign aid.

Unfortunately, at present Pakistan is highly reliant on external aid to meet its needs. Bound by geographic, geopolitical, and geo-economic constraints, Pakistan often finds itself with limited options, at times playing a subservient role to major global powers.

In the face of fervent appeals from substantial segments of Pakistani society, calling on the military to lend support to Hamas against Israel and to diplomatically boycott Western backers of Israel, including the United States, Munir has opted to abstain from such actions.

In contrast, he seems focused on navigating Pakistan's response to the demands of both the United States and China without stirring tensions with either side.

He has sought to enhance Pakistan-US defense ties, rekindling US interest in the country after a previous inclination to disengage. A notable case in point is the renewal of the Communications and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA), a crucial element of US-Pakistan defense cooperation, through which the US has extended its offer to assist Pakistan in counterterrorism efforts.

To further solidify ties, Munir visited Washington in mid-December for discussions with senior US military and Biden administration officials, seeking to strengthen US-Pakistan military cooperation and foster investment in Pakistan by urging the US government to explore opportunities through the newly established Special Investment Facility Council.

As for China, despite reports of Beijing’s reluctance to add more projects to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) due to performance issues on Pakistan's part, Munir's renewed commitment to ensuring the security of Chinese interests has injected new life into previously stagnant CPEC projects.

Pakistan's economic revival

One of Munir’s major foreign policy objectives is to address Pakistan's economic challenges through cooperation with friendly nations. His vision for Pakistan’s economic growth and prosperity emerged when he took on a diplomatic role in securing funding from the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia to fulfill IMF preconditions for a crucial bailout package. While this prevented Pakistan from facing a debt default, it also brought significant embarrassment due to the harsh conditions attached to the IMF bailout in an already crisis-ridden country.

Indicating a shift away from geopolitics and toward geo-economics, Munir has committed to leading Pakistan toward self-reliance by leveraging its resource advantages.

His vision includes a policy aimed at ending dependency and promoting self-sufficiency. To expedite these initiatives, a new “single-window” investment facilitation body, the SIFC, was established under his leadership in June of this year. Its primary objective is to attract foreign investments across various sectors, such as mining, agriculture, information technology, and energy, from affluent Gulf countries, China, and the United States.

Munir has urged foreign investors to explore Pakistan's untapped natural resources, estimated to be worth US$6 trillion, including deposits of copper, gold, sulfur, lead, and zinc, among others. He has also encouraged local investors to participate in these endeavors.

In discussions with Pakistan's business community, Munir outlined his plans for economic recovery. Emphasizing his commitment to geo-economics, he underscored his efforts to convince Gulf monarchs to consider investing up to US$100 billion in Pakistan.

Munir's broader approach to economic diplomacy underscores his vision, favoring development partnerships over development assistance. This shift also signifies a change in Pakistan's traditional military approach of providing military bases to now offering economic bases.

Key takeaways

Munir’s geostrategic vision for Pakistan, though it may sound idealistic, has already scored several successes. To revive the domestic economy, he has launched a comprehensive crackdown on corruption, smuggling, energy theft, illegal practices, and unauthorized immigration.

Munir has earned praise for his commitment to revitalizing Pakistan's economy, presenting himself as the guarantor of stability in the country and the primary point of contact for the international community. This underscores his aim of transforming Pakistan into an important market that can bring together various global economic interests.

On the security front, Munir has escalated military operations against terrorist outfits like Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, declining to engage in talks for peace.

Furthermore, he has strengthened the military’s defense engagements by forging military cooperation agreements with countries across the Central, West, East, and South Asian regions.

Pakistan recently hosted the “Eternal Brotherhood-II” multinational counterterrorism exercise, reflecting Munir's two-pronged strategy.

Firstly, he aims to capitalize on Pakistan's pivotal role in combating terrorism originating from Afghanistan, addressing concerns among both neighboring nations and global powers such as the US, China, and Russia. Secondly, he seeks to counterbalance India's influence by strengthening regional military alliances.

At the same time, Munir's foreign policy aspirations entail significant risk and could have serious consequences for Pakistan.

To begin with, it remains uncertain whether his expanded role in governance will effectively enhance the military's softer image and bolster Pakistan's global reputation, especially given that many of its major challenges are still attributed to the actions of the military establishment.

Additionally, establishing Pakistan as a stabilizing regional security actor seems to be a daunting task, particularly in the context of heightened tensions with its immediate neighbor, Afghanistan.

Achieving a neutral middle power status presents its own set of difficulties, and this objective may prove elusive until Pakistan gains a certain level of economic independence.

To date, Pakistan's efforts to attract significant new investments from the Gulf states have run into difficulties, given the latter’s predominant focus on the ongoing Gaza crisis.

There is limited evidence to suggest that Gulf nations will come to Pakistan's aid in the near future. As a result, the SIFC has struggled to finalize long-awaited billion-dollar foreign transactions. With limited foreign support available, Pakistan continues to heavily depend on financial assistance from organizations like the IMF and investments from China.

It seems that the most critical foreign policy challenge confronting Munir is the integration of soft power with hard power.

This requires finding a delicate balance between security and economic considerations, necessitating a departure from traditional military strategies to embrace alternative methods of advancing national interests. Given the unique strategic culture of the military, which may lack an understanding of the nuances of civilian affairs and the intricacies of soft power, expectations for progress from Munir may be limited.

With two more years ahead, the success of Munir's foreign policy hinges on addressing several crucial questions. How does he plan to balance fostering economic growth with Pakistan's current economic dependence? Could Munir's geo-economic strategy unintentionally lead Pakistan into another debt trap?

To prevent Pakistan from becoming overly reliant on the exploitation of natural resources and transforming into a rentier state, what proactive measures does he intend to take?

Additionally, as Pakistan navigates strained relations with neighboring India and Afghanistan, how will Gen. Munir achieve Pakistan’s long-term security goals? Moreover, how does he plan to navigate its position amid the rivalry between the United States and China without taking sides? Importantly, what specific steps will he take to bridge the gap between civilian leadership and the military establishment, ensuring a cohesive and effective foreign policy strategy?

 Courtesy: Middle East Institute

 

Saudi Arabia and Iran reaffirm full commitment to implement Beijing agreement

Saudi Arabia and Iran have reaffirmed their full commitment to implementing the Beijing Agreement, reports Saudi Gazette.

The first meeting of the Saudi-Chinese-Iranian Tripartite Committee concluded in Beijing on Friday. The meeting was held to follow up on the Beijing Agreement, under the chairmanship of Deng Li, the Chinese Deputy Foreign Minister. The Saudi delegation was led by Waleed Al-Khereiji, Deputy Foreign Minister, and the Iranian delegation by Dr. Ali Bagheri Kani, Deputy Foreign Minister.

The meeting reviewed the positive outcomes in the relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran in light of the Beijing Agreement, which was brokered by China last March. This included reopening embassies in Riyadh and Tehran, and the reciprocal visits and meetings of the two countries' foreign ministers.

Both Saudi Arabia and Iran expressed appreciation for China's significant role in this process and hosting the meeting.

The Chinese side confirmed its readiness to continue playing a constructive role and supporting Saudi and Iranian efforts to further enhance relations.

The three parties discussed various aspects of tripartite cooperation. They also expressed concern about the ongoing situation in the Gaza Strip as a threat to regional and international peace and security, emphasizing the need for an immediate cessation of military operations in Gaza, sustainable relief for civilians, and opposing the forced displacement of Palestinians. They agreed that any arrangement regarding the future of Palestine must reflect the will of the Palestinian people, supporting their right to establish their own state and determine their destiny.

The participants agreed to continue the meetings of the tripartite committee, with the next meeting scheduled for June 2024 in Saudi Arabia, following a gracious invitation from the Kingdom.

Maersk to pause container ship traffic through Red Sea

Danish shipping company A.P. Moller-Maersk will pause all container shipments through the Red Sea until further notice and send them on a detour around Africa, a spokesperson for the company told Reuters on Friday.

"Following the near-miss incident involving Maersk Gibraltar yesterday and yet another attack on a container vessel today, we have instructed all Maersk vessels in the area bound to pass through the Bab al-Mandab Strait to pause their journey until further notice," the company said in a statement.

Maersk on Thursday said its vessel Maersk Gibraltar was targeted by a missile while travelling from Salalah, Oman, to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia and that the crew and vessel were reported safe.

Earlier on Friday Maersk denied a claim by Yemen's Iran-aligned Houthi movement that the militia had struck a Maersk vessel sailing towards Israel.

"The vessel was not hit," a Maersk spokesperson told Reuters in an emailed statement following the Houthi claim.

The Houthis had claimed they carried out a military operation against a Maersk container vessel, directly hitting it with a drone. The Houthis, who made the claim in a statement, did not release any evidence.

Maersk said the company was deeply concerned about the highly escalated security situation in the southern Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

"The recent attacks on commercial vessels in the area are alarming and pose a significant threat to the safety and security of seafarers," it wrote in the statement.