Dr. Micah Goodman, the Israeli philosopher, and founder of
the Ein Prat pre-army preparatory program, has a surprisingly optimistic
assessment of the future of Israel, even in the midst of the breakdown of unity
that the judicial reform has fostered since initiated earlier this year.
Goodman
is opposed to the judicial overhaul. He’s under no illusions that as long
as this coalition remains in power, the coming years will likely be an ongoing
hellscape of unilateral attempts at grabbing power and abusing minority rights,
countered by continued civil insurrection.
Goodman says, when this coalition is no longer in power –
and that day will come, if not tomorrow, when elections are called again –
Israel that emerges will be profoundly changed. The processes that have
fueled the outrage will lead to a new age of realism.
Israel is about to go through a very similar experience that
led to the collapse of the Left following the deadly years of the Second
Intifada.
“This very extreme government was, for many years, a fantasy
among circles of the Right,” says Goodman. “This fantasy has a name in Hebrew,
memshelet yamin al-male, basically, a pure right-wing government. And this
fantasy was very helpful for the Right because it was a great answer to a
question ‘You’re in government for 40 years – why isn’t Israel the paradise you
promised us it’s going to be? Why are there still traffic jams, security
issues, economic issues?’”
The Right’s answer, “Well, we were never really in power. We
always had a centrist or a liberal there to neutralize our power, to block us,
to stop us from doing what we think we should do. [But] one day we’ll get what
we want. We’ll have a massive majority. We won’t have to join with any centrist
in the coalition. We’ll have a pure right-wing government, and then you’ll see
what Israel will look like.’”
The
long-awaited right-wing government has been a total disaster.
Most Israelis would agree – including many on the Right –
that it’s been a complete and total disaster.
The way
changes to the judiciary have been pushed through without compromise or
conversation; the hateful statements emanating from coalition leaders’ mouths
on a daily basis; the branding of Israel’s most patriotic citizens as traitors,
refuseniks, and anarchists; the growing police brutality; the economic and
diplomatic devastation – all of these, Goodman says, show what a fully
right-wing government is really like.
Fifty-four percent of Israelis say they oppose the recently
passed law canceling the court’s ability to apply a reasonableness standard.
That may seem like a slim majority, but it is 20 points higher than those who
support it.
Going forward, just 16% of Israelis want the government to
legislate without an agreement.
The mask has been ripped off, and the fantasy has been shown
to be untenable. Goodman says, is not unlike the 1990s when a similar fantasy –
that of the Left – had us believing we’d soon be driving to Damascus for
hummus.
“The best way to destroy a fantasy is to implement it,”
Goodman says. “And now we’re living the fantasy, we’re living the dream. And
many people… including on the Right, including Religious Zionists, including
Likud voters…this does not look to them like a utopia. This looks to them like
a dystopia.”
And
what happens “the day after this government is over?” Goodman asks. “The idea
of a pure extreme right-wing government will not be a fantasy. It will be a bad
memory.”
Wouldn’t it be better to get to that point without having to
create a balance of trauma in the meantime? But the Left has long been
eviscerated. For healing to occur, the fantasies of the extreme Right must
share the same fate. Only out of such mutual disillusionment can a true center
arise.
“Many people on the Right will not want to replicate this
experiment,” Goodman asserts.
Goodman isn’t dismissing the idealism of either the Left or
the Right. But “when you fall in love with an idea, you become blind to
reality. You love the ideology. You really want it to become a reality. So, you
don’t listen to reality itself.”
Does this mean the Right will soon disappear like the Left
in this country? Not quite, Goodman says. What will be off the table in the
future, though, is “a coalition with the extreme Right.” (Ditto for the extreme
Left – not that it has any power these days.)
“We needed judicial
reform,” writes Daniel Gordis on his Substack page. “Almost everyone knows
that.” (Polls have shown that some 60% to 70% of Israelis are in favor of some
sort of change to the judiciary.) “But we needed unity more than that. We could
have had both.”
“Sustaining mass mobilization, particularly in the face of
intensifying repression,” writes Maria J. Stephan, who co-authored Why
Civil Resistance Works, The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict, requires
investment in organizing infrastructure, training, and a commitment to
nonviolent discipline.
Getting
there won’t be easy. But for the first time in weeks – months, really – I feel
just the teensiest bit better about the future of Israel.
Courtesy: The Jerusalem Post