Friday, 8 May 2026

Decline of rules based maritime market

Assertive America doctrine forms part of a geopolitical mix ushering in an age of extremes for shipping to navigate.

Hellenic Chamber of Shipping board member Yannis Triphyllis initiated a debate between insurers that covered virtually all of the major challenges of the maritime market in the modern age.

In his welcome speech to the Marine Insurance Greece conference in Athens on May 06, Triphyllis claimed that, “Invasion of the Donbas was the starting gun for the unravelling of the rules-based market.”

Key to the discussion was a presentation by COO of the American Club, Daniel Tadros, who laid out the US vision of a new world order, which has the US at the center of the new global economic regime.

Tadros launched into his treatise with a quote from the second world war Admiral Yamamoto, of Japan, speaking after the attack on Pearl Harbour, “I fear that all we have done is to awaken a sleeping giant and fill him with a terrible resolve.”

“Now, fast forward to the last four or five years,” Tadros told the Maritime Insurance Greece audience, “The geopolitical competition with China, both commercially and as a matter of national security, has woken up the United States and has filled not just politicians, both Democrats and Republicans, but also the government, the military, everyone, with a resolve to rebuild the US Merchant Marine.”

Historically the US had been a world leader in shipping, owning 63% of the world’s tonnage, today that was down to less than 1%, the cutting of government subsidies, high labour costs all contributed to the rise of Japanese and South Korean prominence in shipbuilding.

In the last 15 years, China has surged ahead, not just in shipbuilding, which Tadros focused on, but in a number of key industries, including electric vehicles, green energy and through investments across the globe through the Belt and Road.

“The geopolitical competition and national security have created what many have called assertive US maritime trade policies,” said Tadros. The assertive policy can be seen in the tariff regime and other policies that are aimed at levelling US costs with their international competitors.

“In the Western Hemisphere, the United States is looking at combating China's influence, migration, combating cartels, expanding partnerships, and strengthening supply chains, including looking at the Venezuela region.”

The US is combating Chinese influence in Africa, Europe and the Middle East, and Washington is, “working furiously” to reach a peace deal in Ukraine, Tadros said.

According to the assertive America doctrine, a key issue is to avoid conflict between China and Taiwan, and to avoid conflict in the Middle East the US has taken action to remove its main destabilizing forces the Palestinians and the Iranians.

An effect of the assertive America policy was highlighted by George Karkas, MD of Gard Greece, “Developments in the Strait of Hormuz have been quite extraordinary. I actually heard from Mr. Rubio that 10 seafarers died,” in what Karkas said is “one of the most significant disruptions to global trade and energy markets in decades.”

The potential consequences of the disruptions could affect food supplies, energy, and the basic necessities of life for millions of people around the world. Since April, there have been some 20,000 seafarers stranded on between 2,000 and 3,000 ships imprisoned in the Arabian Gulf.

Shipping, as Karkas points out, is a major global success story, “Over time, we have built the framework of rules, standards, practices that work together and have made shipping safer, more efficient, and more accountable. Today, shipping is one of the most internationally governed industries in the world, and this matters. We see fewer lives lost at sea, fewer major casualties, and fewer pollution incidents than at any point in any modern history.”

This framework did not evolve through chance, it happened because it was “rooted” in the work of the United Nations and the IMO, he said. Now we are “entering an age of extremes,” according to Karkas, shifting from a bipolar to a multipolar world “marked by conflict, shifting alliances and fragmentation”.

Karkas showed that the maritime insurance industry has reduced the number of claims — shipping has become a safer industry overall — but that claims over a five-year average are now three times bigger, with the strongest increase in the last 10 years.

“So, we have fewer claims, but when things go wrong, they seem to go very wrong and become very costly. In short, we see far more extreme claims. Why is this happening? The reasons are probably many and complex, but part of the picture is no doubt politics and geopolitics,” said Karkas.

Karkas spoke about the criminalization of crew where nation states are more interested in extracting money than they are in justice for the accused. “If claims and verdicts, become more detached from reality and from the loss actually suffered, they end up undermining trust in the system," he said.

The system is under increasing pressure from risks, including climate change, extreme weather, the shadow fleet, which continues to be a systematic challenge for insurers, and not least the increase of more extreme claims.

Although not directly said by Karkas in his presentation, the global ramifications of the assertive America doctrine are a decay in a system of trust, which ultimately undermines the system as a whole.

Courtesy: Seatrade Maritime News

Thursday, 7 May 2026

Significance of Upcoming Trump-Xi Summit

Since former US President Richard Nixon landed in Beijing in 1972 and redefined US-China relations, no countries have done as well as these two. Since then the US has generated more than US$23 trillion in additional GDP, while China lifted 800 million people out of extreme poverty, accounting for three-quarters of all global poverty reduction in the period. 

In 1990, China accounted for just 1.6% of global GDP; today it accounts for nearly 18%, meaning the two together now represent 44% of the world economy, up from 28% when globalization began in earnest.

A dollar invested in the S&P 500 the year Nixon landed in Beijing is worth over US$270 today. China, which had negligible industrial capacity in 1972, now produces more manufactured goods than the next nine countries combined.

This is not to say that the fruits of globalization were enjoyed equally within either economy. The CCP’s cultural genocide of the Uighurs and the slow-motion death of the US industrial heartland are the receipts: ruthless consolidation in China, hollowed-out communities, and rising inequality in America. But this was the deal both sides made.

The US told itself fairy tales about economic liberalization leading to a more democratic China; in fact, both populations simply got significantly richer than the rest of the world. And to quote the bard, therein lies the rub—in a US-China trade war, neither can win against the other. 

Victory in a US-China trade war is a competition about who can lose the least. The true winners are the countries that can stay out of the trade war, a difficult feat in a global economy so dominated by Washington and Beijing.

It’s easy to assign President Trump’s first term as the starting gun of the US-China trade conflict, since he ran on being tough on China back in 2015. But the fight began in 2009 when the Obama administration slapped a 35% tariff on tires from China.

Geopolitical forces were already well at work before Trump and Xi came to power. Trump speed things up, but his pressure was always in service of “the art of the deal.”

Then the pandemic hit. One doesn’t need to be a conspiracy theorist to see that Beijing’s stubbornness made it much harder for the world to control the virus.

The pandemic threw US-China relations off course and likely helped Biden win in 2020—and Biden had no interest in making a deal with China.

Instead, he doubled down on Trump 1.0’s tough talk. Trump 2.0 prefers to pick up where he left off. His administration has threatened, cajoled, and tariffed China to no end, but it was clear even on the campaign trail that President Trump does not ultimately want to fight with China; he wants to deal with China.

In the then-candidate’s own words in August 2024, “If they want to build a plant in Michigan, in Ohio, in South Carolina, they can—using American workers, they can.”

This is one of President Trump’s most maverick policy choices. The US national security establishment and the rest of the “swamp” are China hawks.

They see China as the next great peer competition to US power in the world… and the most serious threat the US has ever faced. In terms of sheer size, power, and wealth, they are correct.

Moreover, the hawks aim to use Trump’s threats, which Trump needs as leverage in his negotiations, to realize their own goals in blocking the rise of Chinese power.

China would also rather avoid a fight—the US is its single largest export market, and exports make up roughly 20% of China’s GDP. When Trump 2.0 tariffs hit in 2025, bilateral trade fell 29%, yet the US remained China’s top export destination.

China produces 28% of global manufactured goods but can’t absorb them domestically, making the US the key buyer keeping its factories running. Still, China is ready to fight if needed, knowing a nationalist dictatorship can weather economic pain better than a liberal democracy.

It is evident that while the US and China have been negotiating, China rolled out new trade rules that lay the legal groundwork for punishing foreign companies that seek to shift their sourcing away from China.

Over the weekend, China told five domestic refiners linked to Iranian oil trade to ignore explicit US sanctions based on a 2021 Chinese law.

 

امریکہ کی شکست کو جیت میں بدلنےکی کوششیں

میرا نکتہ نظر بالکل واضح ہے - امریکہ کو اپنی شکست تسلیم کرنی چاہیے، آبنائے ہرمز کو مکمل طور پر دوبارہ کھولنے کو یقینی بنانا چاہیے، ایران پر عائد اقتصادی پابندیاں واپس لینا چاہیے اور اس جنگ کے دوران ہونے والے نقصانات کی ادائیگی کرنی چاہیے۔ وقت گزر چکا اوراب شکست کو جیت بنا کر پیش کرنے کا کوئ جواز نہیں۔
امریکہ اور ایران کے درمیان جاری مذاکرات سٹریٹجک کامیابی کے بجائے بیانیوں کی شکل اختیار کرتی جا رہی ہے۔ ایران کے علاقائی اثر و رسوخ اور جوہری ترقی کو روکنے کے لیے جو ایک زبردست مہم اسرائیل کے ساتھ مل کرشروع کی گئی تھی اعلان کردہ مقاصد کے حصول میں ناکام ہوچکی ہے۔
یہ کہنا غلط نہیں ہوگا کہ ایران کی علاقائی اہمیت بڑھ گئی ہے، اس کا گفت و شنید کا انداززیادہ مستحکم ہو گیا ہے اور اقتصادی دباؤ کو برداشت کرنے کی اس کی صلاحیت توقعات سے زیادہ مضبوط ثابت ہوئی ہیں۔ امریکہ کی ہٹ دھرمی کی وجہ سےکئی ہفتوں کی ڈپلومیسی کے بعد بھی بنیادی اختلافات حل نہ ہونے کے ساتھ مذاکرات پیش رفت سے بہت دور ہیں۔
آبنائے ہرمز اور ارد گرد کی صورتحال امریکہ کےغلط اندازوں اور ایران کی طاقت کو اجاگر کرتی ہے اور تیل برآمد کرنے والے ملکوں کے امریکہ پرانحصار کوغلط ثابت کرتی ہے۔ امریکہ کی آبنائے کے بندش کی وجہ سے ایک دن میں تقریباً 140 جہازوں کی مومنٹ  بمشکل گنتی کے چند تیل اور ایل این جی کے جہازوں تک محدود ہوچکی ہے۔
نتائج پرہشان کن ہیں۔ تیل برآمد کرنے والی عرب ریاستوں کو آمدنی کی غیر یقینی صورتحال کا سامنا ہے، جب کہ توانائی درآمد کرنے والی معیشتیں افراط زر کے دباؤ اور سپلائی میں رکاوٹوں کا شکار ہیں۔
ان تلخ نتائج کے باوجود واشنگٹن کی زبان ترقی اور مواقع کی بات کرتی نظر آتی ہے۔ یہ حقائق کی عکاسی کم اور اسٹریٹجک ناقص کارکردگی کو سفارتی کامیابی کے طور پر دوبارہ ترتیب دینے کی کوشش ہے۔ یہ ایک ایسی پالیسی کے تصور کو تقویت دیتی ہے جو بغیر کسی ہدف اورمقاصد کے چلائ جارہی ہے۔
بات اب اس نتیجہ پر پہنچ چکی ہے کہ جتنی دیر تک حقیقت کو جھٹلایا جائے گا اتنی ہی زیادہ قیمت دوسروں کو ادا کرنا پڑرہی ہے۔ ساری دنیا خسارے میں ہے سواۓ امریکہ کے

Wednesday, 6 May 2026

US remains an uninvited guest in Persian Gulf

I am pleased to share one of my blogs posted on May 06, 2020, nearly six years ago, arguing that the United States has no legitimate role in the Persian Gulf and is effectively an “uninvited guest.”

A key theme is historical legitimacy. Iranian officials draw parallels with past foreign powers such as Britain and Portugal, noting that they eventually left the region, implying the United States will also have to withdraw.

The Persian Gulf is framed not only as a strategic waterway but as part of Iran’s identity, with claims that it has been protected by Iranians for thousands of years.

The blog also highlights Iran’s emphasis on military readiness. Rouhani and others stress that Iran’s armed forces—including the Revolutionary Guards, army, and associated units—are fully capable of securing the region.

Iranian officials describe the US presence as a source of instability, tension, and insecurity, insisting that regional security should be handled by neighboring countries.

Overall, the blog reflects a coherent narrative aimed at delegitimizing US presence while asserting Iran’s dominance and responsibility in the Persian Gulf.

To read details please click https://shkazmipk.blogspot.com/2020/05/united-states-uninvited-guest-in.html

Tuesday, 5 May 2026

Trump’s China Visit Under Scrutiny

Two important questions arise regarding Donald Trump’s proposed visit to China: Is this the right time? And does the United States still retain strategic supremacy over China?

On timing, the moment appears sensitive. Beijing’s concerns have grown in light of tensions surrounding the Strait of Hormuz, a critical artery for global energy flows. Given Iran’s role as a key oil
supplier to China, any perceived threat to Iranian exports naturally raises strategic anxieties in Beijing. As a result, the relationship is no longer confined to trade disputes; it is increasingly shaped by energy security considerations.

The second question—whether the United States continues to enjoy clear supremacy—is more nuanced. Washington may still hold significant military, technological, and financial advantages, the recent developments, including pressures on munitions supplies and a relatively reduced naval presence in the South China Sea, may influence perceptions of its negotiating position. In diplomacy, perception often complements reality.

At the same time, China continues to pursue long-term structural adjustments. Its efforts to promote trade settlement mechanisms beyond the US Dollar reflect a gradual attempt to diversify financial dependencies. While such shifts are unlikely to produce immediate transformation, they do indicate a broader strategic direction.

Market signals, including movements in gold and energy prices, suggest a degree of global uncertainty. However, linking these directly to a decisive shift away from the dollar would require careful qualification, as currency realignments tend to evolve over extended periods.

In sum, the proposed visit may be better understood as a cautious diplomatic engagement rather than a demonstration of dominance. The United States remains a central global power, but its position is increasingly subject to scrutiny. Navigating this evolving landscape will require both restraint and strategic clarity.

Monday, 4 May 2026

Emerging UAE Role in the US–Iran Equation

The proposition that the United States may be quietly positioning the United Arab Emirates (UAE), particularly Dubai—as a forward proxy against Iran is gaining traction, but it demands a measured and fact-driven reading rather than a dramatic conclusion.

The strategic backdrop has undeniably shifted since the Abraham Accords. These agreements did more than normalize UAE-Israel relations; these created a wider geopolitical architecture that strengthened US influence and recalibrated regional alignments vis-à-vis Iran. Analysts increasingly view this framework as part of a broader containment strategy, linking security, trade corridors, and intelligence cooperation.

At the same time, Iran’s perception of the UAE has hardened. The ongoing conflict in 2026 has seen direct strikes, diplomatic downgrades, and rising mistrust, effectively pushing bilateral relations into open hostility. This escalation reinforces the idea that the UAE is no longer a neutral economic intermediary, but an exposed frontline state—whether by choice or circumstance.

Geography amplifies this vulnerability. The narrow Persian Gulf places the UAE within immediate operational range of Iran. While this proximity could, in theory, offer logistical advantages for surveillance or rapid deployment, it simultaneously makes Emirati infrastructure an easy target. Recent attacks on shipping and critical assets in the region underline how quickly economic zones can turn into strategic pressure points.

However, the leap from “strategic partner” to “proxy battlefield” remains analytically weak. Dubai’s role as a global financial and logistics hub imposes hard constraints. Its economic model is built on stability, openness, and investor confidence—factors fundamentally incompatible with sustained military confrontation. Turning such a hub into a Launchpad for ground operations would impose costs far exceeding any tactical gain.

Equally important is the UAE’s own signaling. Despite deepening security ties with Washington, it has publicly resisted the use of its territory for offensive operations and has consistently called for de-escalation. This suggests a calibrated approach: align strategically, but avoid becoming the battlefield.

The more credible interpretation, therefore, lies in the evolving nature of modern conflict. The UAE is emerging not as a warfront, but as a strategic node—facilitating intelligence sharing, surveillance capabilities, and logistical depth within a US-led framework. In contemporary geopolitics, influence is often projected through networks rather than invasions.

In essence, the UAE’s role in the US–Iran equation is expanding, but within limits. It is a partner, a pressure point, and at times a target—but not, at least for now, a chosen battlefield.

Sunday, 3 May 2026

SeaLead operated vessel transits through Strait of Hormuz

According to Seatrade Maritimes News, the Antigua-Barbuda flagged container ship Paya Lebar has traded both into and back out of the Arabian Gulf between April 13-28.

The SeaLead Shipping operated and owned Paya Lebar transited westbound through the Strait of Hormuz westbound into the Gulf on April 13 having been at anchor in Nhava Sheva, India since late March.

While in the Gulf the vessel called at Jebel Ali and Khalifa ports in the UAE and Hamad in Qatar.

The Paya Lebar crossed the Strait of Hormuz eastbound on April 29 - passing the approximate location of the US naval blockade in the Arabian Sea as it heads back to Nhava Sheva.

The movements of the Paya Lebar would imply a change in policy by SeaLead which said on March 02 in customer advisory it had halted all transits through the Strait of Hormuz for the safety of its crews, ships, and cargoes.

In July last year the US Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) sanctioned 16 container ships the company had on charter over links with Iran. SeaLead acted to quickly terminate the charters on the 16 vessels and denied it had ties with Iran.

However, in March this year the US Department of Justice filed civil forfeiture complaints seeking to seize US$2.4 million in funds allegedly intended for SeaLead Shipping and its Indian subsidiary, as part of a broader action targeting more than US$15.3 million tied to a sanctions-evasion network linked to Mohammad Hossein Shamkhani, the son of a senior adviser to Iran’s Supreme Leader.