In South Asian pre and post colonial political history, no
political party has faced as much oppression as the Bangladesh Nationalist
Party has under the current Awami League regime except what the latter faced
during the war of liberation. There is a difference though between the
oppression that the Awami League faced in 1971 under Pakistan’s military regime
and what the Bangladesh Nationalist Party has faced since January 2009, when
the Awami League assumed office.
In 1971, the Awami League’s top leadership crossed the
border into India after Bangabandhu had surrendered to the Pakistan military on
the night of March 25–26. Thus, the Awami League’s top leadership was in safety
in Kolkata. The Indian government and its intelligence looked after the Awami
League’s top leadership during the nine months that the Pakistani military
carried out its crimes against inhumanity inside Bangladesh.
The BNP leadership as well as its grass roots has had no
such luck. The Awami League regime has relentlessly persecuted them because
they had no friendly country to flee. The extent of such persecution was
revealed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party at a seminar for foreign
diplomatic missions and the civil society held in Dhaka recently.
The seminar chaired by the BNP secretary general Mirza
Fakhrul Islam Alamgir was titled ‘A Democratic Future for Bangladesh and the
Indo-Pacific Strategy.’ The BNP’s foreign affairs committee chairman Amir
Khashru Mahmud Chowdhury presented the paper.
The
BNP’s seminar also flagged the need for Bangladesh to embrace the Biden
administration’s IPS, which has everything not just to save democracy and
rights that are on the slippery slope but also to transform Bangladesh into a
middle-income country and beyond as a liberal democracy.
The paper came up with mind-boggling statistics on the
persecution that the Bangladesh Nationalist Party has faced in leading people’s
movement against the Awami League regime’s efforts to turn the country into a
one-party state.
Thus
far, 1,204 BNP leaders and activists have been victims of enforced
disappearances; 1,539 have died in political killing in crossfire and 799 in
extrajudicial killings. The Awami League regime has filed 141,633 ‘fabricated
and unfounded cases’ involving 4,947,019. These figures, reprehensible as they
are, abated significantly following the US sanctions in December 2021 on the
Rapid Action Battalion and the police for serious rights violations.
Khaleda Zia, the BNP chairperson, is in the twilight zone
between life and death for her life-threatening medical condition and
incarceration since 2018 through politically motivated cases. The regime has
not allowed her to go abroad for treatment not available at home. Tareq Zia has
been exiled and is running the BNP as the acting chairman from London. He has
kept the party united and energized. In between, the Awami League regime has
tried to break the BNP through the proverbial ‘Mir Jafars’ that has failed.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party is leading today the most
courageous and determined movement for democracy and human and political rights
against odds that few political parties in the history of such movements in
developing countries have faced.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party has successfully brought
the entire opposition parties and forces under one umbrella without resorting
to violence. The Awami League regime’s efforts to use every imaginable and
unimaginable way to break the BNP have only enhanced the latter’s resolve and
determination to fight the regime in the same spirit and determination with
which the people fought the Pakistani military in 1971. Thus, the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party today is more united and determined to fight and defeat the
Awami League regime that has systematically thwarted people’s political, democratic
and human rights.
The seminar flagged the BNP’s role in the nation’s fight for
democracy, and human and political rights. It also gave a vision for the nation
that would help Bangladesh to get back on its feet in a post-AL regime where
whichever party assumes office will have to rebuild Bangladesh institutionally,
politically and in the context of critical foreign relations from scratch.
It is
now an open secret that the Awami League regime has systematically weakened all
institutions of nation-building to make Bangladesh and the Awami League one
with the interests of the party dominating over and subservient to the
interests of the country. Today, the civil bureaucracy, the law enforcement
agencies and even constitutional bodies such as the Election Commission are
indistinguishable from the ruling party. Or else, the deputy commissioner of
Jamalpur would not have openly and unashamedly sought people’s support for the
ruling party or ambassadors abroad would not have been present and anchored the
prime minister’s political meetings abroad with the Awami League diaspora.
The Awami League regime has, meanwhile, managed to turn the
United States, in particular, and the west, in general, into Bangladesh’s
adversaries. It did so oblivious of the fact that it would need the US-west in
an indispensable manner for graduating to a middle-income country.
The
Awami League regime has, thus, damaged Bangladesh’s critically important
relations with the Biden administration although the United States is pursuing
democracy and human and political rights in its bilateral relations with
Bangladesh because these are against its interests in Bangladesh’s current
politics.
The regime has also deliberately brought the US’s 1971 role
into the equation to create an anti-US sentiment although the Biden
administration is pursuing the issues for which Bangladesh fought its
liberation war.
The
Awami League regime also stated for the same reason, to create an anti-US
sentiment in Bangladesh, that the Biden administration would stop opposing if
it gave it St Martins Island to the United States to build a military base
although it was told to the contrary by the high delegations that visited Dhaka
in recent times.
The Awami League regime also tried to derail the Biden
administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, which is a win-win strategy for
Bangladesh and the nations in the Indo-Pacific. The regime gave lip service to
the IPS with its Indo-Pacific Outlook that it announced in April. The Biden
administration ignored the Awami League regime’s Indo-Pacific Outlook because
it knew that if the regime was serious, it would not have accused the United
States of seeking a military base after senior US officials had informed the AL
regime to the contrary.
The BNP’s seminar on embracing IPS was, therefore, a smart
move for the future of Bangladesh and the region as an examination of the
strategy would reveal. The IPS is free and open with ‘governance that is
transparent and responsive to the people.’ It is based upon connectivity in all
its facets to bring nations closer to one another. The IPS is also based upon a
free, fair, open and reciprocal trade regime to make the region prosperous. It
stresses resilience for improved health security and economic ability to help
nations ‘withstand climate change, pandemics and transnational threats.’
Finally, the IPS is secure as it ensures ‘movements of people, ideas, and goods
across the international sea, land, and air borders and cyberspace are made
legally.’
The Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy is, thus,
the USA’s soft power approach for the Indo-Pacific region to deal with China’s
expansion by avoiding the military path. Its present involvement in Bangladesh
in pursuit of democracy and rights is also in pursuit of its Indo-Pacific
Strategy which is why it is so determined to ensure that Bangladesh succeeds in
holding its next general election freely, fairly, and peacefully for democracy,
human and political rights to succeed.
The BNP’s seminar on democracy and the IPS was, therefore,
extremely important. It flagged the need for the country to commit itself again
to the causes for which millions embraced martyrdom in 1971.
Courtesy: The Bangladesh Chronicle