Pakistan Politics: Charter of Democracy or Marriage of Convenience

The alliance between the ruling PML-N and its ‘junior partner’, the PPP, is a testament to the power of politics to bring the foes of yesteryear together against a common foe.

The first time they were compelled to join hands was under the umbrella of the Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy (ARD), following the 1999 military coup by General Pervez Musharraf. With both Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto in exile, the job of keeping the peace fell on Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan’s shoulders — and it was no easy job.

Then, in May 2006, the two sides came together to sign the 36-point Charter of Democracy in London — regretting their past actions and agreeing on a number of constitutional measures to strengthen democracy in the country.

The outcome of that charter was the smooth transition of power from assemblies under Musharraf to a democratically-elected government in 2008 — an assembly that actually completed its five-year term without being rudely interrupted. Although the PML-N initially joined the PPP cabinet for a brief period, it exited the ruling coalition within months after differences over the restoration of judges deposed by the Musharraf regime.

Analysts believe ‘the common adversary’ will compel both parties to stay part of the alliance, held together with the establishment’s support

Imran Khan’s victory in the 2018 elections saw both parties facing the brunt of what the government of the day saw as accountability. This common foe galvanized the two parties, which found themselves together on the opposition benches.

And when the opportunity to unseat the PTI regime through a vote of no-confidence emerged, both sides banded together with other, smaller parties to form the Pakistan Democratic Move­ment (PDM) alliance that saw out the term of the assemblies until last year’s long-overdue polls were held.

In the wake of last year’s elections, though the PPP became a major part of the alliance of parties that coalesced to form the incumbent ruling setup, it has refused to be bracketed as a coalition partner of the federal government. This is despite the fact that it controls provincial governments in Sindh and Balochistan, and several key constitutional offices — such as the presidency, the Senate chairmanship and the governor houses of Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa — have been given to the party in exchange for its support.

Politicians — including leaders from both parties — as well as political analysts believe that the presence of a common adversary — Imran Khan — will compel the country’s two main parties to put aside their differences and collaborate to maintain the present set-up, with the backing of the establishment, which is playing a crucial role in holding this unlikely alliance together.

For the PPP, this comes at the cost of having to make many compromises and support some unpopular decisions of the present regime, even to the extent of ignoring dissenting voices emanating from within its own ranks.

In background discussions, many observers said they believed the PPP was prepared to do all of this to ensure that its chairman, Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, would become the next prime minister whenever the country goes into elections next, as this is only possible only if he remains in the ‘good books’ of those that matter.

In the wake of the February 08, 2024 polls, the PML-N made many attempts to woo the PPP to formally join the federal government, with PM Shehbaz Sharif even delaying the formation of his cabinet in the hope that the PPP might change its mind.

There was pressure on PM Shehbaz from within his own party to have the PPP in the federal cabinet at all cost, as was the case in the PDM era. This, they reasoned, would help them share the fallout from “difficult decisions” which the present setup would inevitably have to take in order to seek a bailout package from the IMF. But while the PPP has continued to resist the offer, it has silently endorsed all the actions of the ruling party.

In the words of political analyst Ahmed Bilal Mehboob, it is the common enemy — the PTI — which is forcing the PPP to cooperate with the PML-N in sustaining the federal government. “The establishment has provided the necessary glue to keep this cooperation going,” he said.

Mehboob, who heads the Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, said the PPP probably thought that by maintaining its distance, the party could protect itself from the fallout of unpopular decisions taken by the PML-N-led federal government.

“If we look closely, we can already see an early election campaign, as the two parties are busy projecting their respective potential candidates for the PM — Bilawal from the PPP and Maryam Nawaz from the PML-N side,” he said.

According to Mehboob, the uneasy alliance between the two parties would continue till the establishment’s binding force lasts and the PPP finds an opportune time to be in a position to win the next general election at the center. However, he said, such a situation may not arise very soon.

In the meantime, he said, the PPP would continue to put pressure and extract as much benefits from the federal government as possible in return for sustaining the present set-up. “One should not rule out the possibility of a coalition federal government of the PPP, the PTI and even the PML-N whenever the stars align.”

The first signs of trouble emerged at the time of the presentation of the federal budget in June 2024, when the PPP complained that it was not taken onboard in the preparation of the budget, forcing Sharif to proactively engage the party. It was at this time when the nation came to know that there had been a written agreement between the two parties regarding power-sharing, the details of which are still not known to the public.

After voting for the budget, the PPP again started complaining that it has not been taken on board by the PML-N on key national issues and important legislation. But despite constantly expressing its reservations over a number of government actions, the party extended unconditional support to the PML-N, enabling it to bulldoze a number of crucial pieces of legislation through parliament, including the extension of the tenures of the three services chiefs.

Then, days after the PPP chairman played a key role in securing the passage of the much-hyped 26th Constitution Amendment that altered the shape of the judiciary, Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari publicly expressed annoyance with the government over a lack of coordination, accusing them of reneging on its promises by not ensuring equal representation for both parties in the newly-empowered Judicial Commission of Pakistan (JCP).

Since then, committees formed by the two sides to iron out their differences have held many rounds of discussion. After each huddle, both come out with the same old mantra of “all is well” within the ruling coalition, even though we all know that is clearly not the case.

According to snippets gleaned from whatever has been reported about their agreement so far, the PML-N government in Punjab was supposed to take the PPP onboard for major administrative decisions and transfers and postings in two districts — Multan and Rahim Yar Khan — where the PPP has a stronghold. It was also agreed that the PPP would be given a due share in development schemes in the province.

But practically, PPP leaders claimed, the PML-N seemed to have changed its mind, with Punjab Chief Minister Maryam Nawaz proving to be the main hurdle in the implementation of the accord.

Responding to this gripe, Punjab Information Minister Azma Bokhari insisted that Maryam followed a “merit-based policy”, and posited that when some 200 PML-N lawmakers don’t get a say in transfers and postings, how could the PPP demand such a boon with its 10 MPAs in Punjab.

Talking to Dawn, a senior PPP leader confirmed that there was a strong group, comprising mostly members from the Punjab, which was quite unhappy over the present arrangement. He said that in recent meetings, they had apprised Bhutto-Zardari about the actions taken by the PML-N in the past to suppress and marginalize the party.

Members from Punjab, he said, were of the view that the PPP could not see a resurgence in the most-populous province until it disassociated itself from the PML-N. The party chairman, however, has advised members to wait for an “appropriate time”, while continuing to raise their voices in parliament.

The PPP has publicly criticized the PML-N’s various governments on a number of issues. Firstly, it was the power subsidy program to provide relief to lifeline consumers during peak summer season. The criticism was no doubt prompted by pressure from Sindh constituents to announce a similar step.

Initially, it was only the PPP’s Punjab chapter that simmered with resentment over the leadership’s decision to join the ruling coalition under the PML-N. However, when the corporate farming initiative of the federal government and its decision to draw more canals from the Indus River came to light, it gave the PPP more ammunition with which to attack its ruling partner.

The plan to irrigate the Cholistan region of south Punjab with what Sindh views as its share of water prompted a strong reaction from Sindh’s political circles, forcing the party to reject the plan in unequivocal terms.

M. B. Soomro, a senior Islamabad-based journalist from Sindh, maintains that for the time being, there is no option before both parties but to stay together. The PPP, he said, was under fire in its home province of Sindh, but at the same time it could not afford to exit the ruling coalition, either. He said the party had perhaps not been able to gauge the on-ground situation in its home province, for which it might have to pay a heavy price, if it fails to satisfy the agitating nationalist forces.

Soomro referred to the contents of a recent handout, issued by the Presidency after a recent meeting between President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on December 23, 2024. It stated that President Zardari had “assured the PM of his continued support and cooperation for the country`s progress and stability.”

The meeting had taken place amid an environment of acrimony and reports that last week, key PPP leaders had expressed a lack of confidence in the federal government.

“Had there been no compulsion, the PPP would have opted to sit on the opposition benches till now,” said Soomro, who has been covering politics and parliament for more than two decades.

According to him, “The establishment has been playing the role of a bridge between the two parties and their alliance is necessary to maintain the present system”, adding that the present set-up would continue until “the real powers find an alternative.”

Courtesy: Dawn

Pakistan: PTI decides to sit in opposition

According to Dawn, Pakistan Teheek-e-Insaf (PTI) of Imran Khan has finally decided to sit on the opposition benches in national and provincial assemblies. It also announced to launch countrywide protests against alleged rigging in the February 08 general elections.

A PTI source also told Dawn that the party’s incarcerated founder, Imran Khan, has tasked former National Assembly speaker Asad Qaiser with engaging political parties to muster support for the protest drive.

The party, which also issued a white paper against alleged rigging on Friday, has decided to kick off its demonstrations from Saturday.

A PTI delegation led by Qaisar met the leader of Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) and Qaumi Watan Party (QWP) on Friday, while a meeting with Pashtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party’s Mehmood Khan Achakzai is also scheduled to take place on Saturday.

Addressing a news conference after meeting with Aftab Sherpao, PTI leader Barrister Saif confirmed the decision to sit on the opposition benches in the Centre and Punjab Assembly.

In the second phase, these parties could form an alliance in the centre and provinces, including Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where PTI -backed independents are in a position to form the government with a two-thirds majority.

The PTI source added that even though the party has categorically announced it would not engage with the PPP and PML-N, efforts were underway for back-channel contacts with the former. If they do become allies, the PPP and PTI would have enough seats in the NA to form the government.

 

Pakistan Election Results, USIP Perspective

Days after Pakistan’s February 08 general election, the Election Commission of Pakistan released the official results confirming a major political upset. Contrary to what most political pundits and observers had predicted, independents aligned with former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) won the most seats at the national level, followed by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM). No party won an absolute majority needed to form a government on its own, says a report released by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP).

The resultant uncertainty means the United States may have to contend with a government that is more focused on navigating internal politics and less so on addressing strategic challenges.

On the one hand, the most likely scenario appears to be a coalition government that may struggle to muster the political strength to push through much-needed economic reforms and take on serious governance and security challenges.

On the other hand, several contenders have raised allegations of vote tampering that will call into question the credibility of a future government.

PTI-aligned candidates in particular claim that the delays in the final announcement of results are evidence of irregularities. Even before the election, it was clear that the electoral playing field was being tilted against the PTI.

The US State Department has noted allegations of interference in the electoral process and called for a full investigation. In its preliminary report, Pakistan’s polling watchdog, Free and Fair Election Network, noted that there was transparency at the polling stations, but it was compromised at the vote counting and tabulation stage.

Despite not winning the most seats, the PML-N is now trying to cobble together a coalition government with the PPP and MQM — as these parties together have a near majority of seats, which is required to form a government.

It has also nominated former Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif — Nawaz Sharif’s brother — to lead the coalition as the new prime minister.

For its part, the PTI has announced intent to form a government at the center as well as in the provinces of Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but it is unclear who it will ally with to get the majority required to form a government.

It is more likely that PTI-aligned candidates will sit in the opposition in the national assembly, as the party has made clear it will not ally with either the PML-N or PPP.

The victory of PTI-backed candidates defies the expectations of political pundits in Pakistan. It was widely anticipated that the PML-N would win and the PTI would lose the election.

At the heart of this projection was the state of the relationship between Khan and Pakistan’s powerful military establishment, which was seen to be backing the PML-N’s return to power and blocking Khan and his PTI.

Khan fell out with the military when his government was deposed in a vote of no confidence in 2022, which he charged was a regime-change operation orchestrated by the military with the United States.

His party has been in the line of fire since May 09, 2023, when its supporters attacked military establishments across the country. Khan himself has been in prison since last year due to several cases charging him with graft and improper handling of classified information, which meant he was unable to campaign for his party in the election.

Perhaps most significantly, leading up to the election, the PTI was also denied its election symbol (a cricket bat) by the Pakistani Supreme Court, which was widely seen as part of a broader campaign to tilt the electoral playing field against the party.

The fact that despite all these measures, PTI-backed candidates won such a large share is a remarkable outcome, making the 2024 election one of the most significant elections in contemporary Pakistani history.

One way to read the vote is that the Pakistani people have rejected the two traditional, dynastic parties — the PML-N and PPP — and embraced Khan’s aspirational, populist political platform.

Another way to read the outcome is that it is also a rejection of the military establishment’s role in politics, in particular its opposition to the PTI and the clampdown against the party since last year.

The results also point to Pakistanis’ discontent with the country’s overall trajectory and the electoral process being a solution to the challenges facing the country.

According to Gallup, Pakistanis are deeply pessimistic about the country’s economic future and they also question the fairness of the electoral process — before the election, seven in 10 Pakistanis said they lacked confidence in the honesty of the elections.

 

Independents: Game Changers or Spoilers

Pakistanis are still in suspense about which political party will emerge victorious in the latest general elections, leaving uncertainty regarding the next government and prime minister even after four days of intense competition.

Despite facing challenges such as the detention of a former prime minister and obstacles for the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), independent candidates supported by the party have surprised observers by securing a substantial number of National Assembly seats, the highest among all parties. However, this falls short of the 169-seat simple majority needed to form a government.

The Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N), led by another former prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, secured the second position. Despite expectations of an easy victory, backed by the influential administration, Sharif's return to power remains uncertain, five years after his disgraceful departure from Pakistan.

The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), led by Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, claimed the third spot.

The constitutional deadline for political parties to establish a government is February 29, three weeks after election day. The National Assembly comprises 336 seats, with 266 determined by direct voting and 70 reserved for women (60) and non-Muslims (10), allocated based on each party's strength.

Given the fragmented mandate without a clear majority, political parties must find common ground or consider forming a coalition to govern. Despite both independent candidates and PML-N declaring victory, a coalition government seems inevitable.

Potential scenarios include a coalition between PML-N and PPP, though the choice for the next prime minister poses a challenge. Another possibility is a PPP alliance with Khan’s followers, although the PTI may choose to sit in the opposition rather than forming a coalition, according to Khan's media advisor, Zulfi Bukhari.

A less likely scenario involves PML-N forming a coalition with PTI and other parties, acknowledging that PTI's influence cannot be disregarded. Some voters, even those who did not support Imran Khan earlier, express a sense of injustice in the way the administration has treated him and his party over the past two years.

Another option involves PTI-backed independents merging with smaller parties to create a coalition government, combining their seats and capitalizing on the 60 National Assembly seats reserved for women. However, the PTI's ability to form a coalition government seems improbable, as alliances with smaller parties still fall short of a majority.

For the PTI, reaching out to smaller parties may lack numerical advantages, serving more as a legal requirement than a strategic move to gain substantial support. The uncertainty surrounding the formation of the next government adds complexity to the post-election landscape in Pakistan.

Khan followers bag largest number of seats

According to Saudi Gazette, from Pakistan's electoral battlefield, candidates affiliated with the imprisoned ex-Prime Minister Imran Khan's party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), emerge as the front-runners in the final count of the February 08, 2024 general elections.

This conclusion came amid heightened scrutiny over the delayed announcement, which spanned nearly three days post-election, sparking debates over the vote-counting integrity.

The PTI-backed independent candidates secured a leading 101 seats. Trailing behind were the contenders from the Pakistan Muslim League — Nawaz (PML-N), led by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, with 75 seats, and the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), under the leadership of Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, which claimed 54 seats.

Additional seats were distributed among various parties, including the Muttahida Quami Movement Pakistan, which captured 17 seats.

The election for one seat has been postponed, with the results for another being withheld. To establish a government, a party or coalition needs to command at least 169 seats out of the 336 available in the National Assembly, aiming for a simple majority.

The announcement has also ignited a wave of protests across the nation, with PTI, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl, and Jamaat-e-Islami leading the charge against what they allege to be widespread electoral fraud.

Major cities like Karachi, Lahore, Islamabad, and Peshawar have become stages for these demonstrations. In parallel, numerous candidates have taken legal routes, filing petitions to contest the declared outcomes.

 

Why delay in accepting people verdict

It is indeed regrettable that, as of February 11, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has not been able to announce the final results despite the balloting taking place on February 08. Numerous complaints have surfaced regarding pre, during, and post-election rigging.

Media reports, both local and international, suggest that no party has secured a simple majority. However, both PPP and PML assert their ability to form a government, albeit with the support of other parties. Meanwhile, a group of independents, largely associated with Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf (PTI), has achieved significant victories but is urged to align with a political party due to perceived incapability of independently forming a government.

According to the Free and Fair Election Network, around 60 million out of over 128 million registered voters participated in the February 8th election.

In response, the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) conveyed a message from Pakistan's Chief of Army Staff Gen. Asim Munir, extending congratulations to the nation for the successful execution of the general elections. Gen. Munir praised the interim setup, the ECP, political parties, and the victorious candidates for their respective roles in the electoral process.

Highlighting the enthusiastic participation of the Pakistani populace, Gen. Munir emphasized its significance as a testament to their dedication to democracy and adherence to the constitution. He also commended the law-enforcement agencies for ensuring a secure environment for the elections despite considerable challenges.

Next Prime Minister of Pakistan

Who will emerge as the next Prime Minister of Pakistan remains a topic of speculation following the recently conducted general elections on February 8, 2024?

Despite the overall peaceful conduct of the elections, a notable hiccup was the complete shutdown of mobile phones. While the voter turnout was reasonably good, there were areas where the election arrangements could have been more efficient.

In Karachi, candidates from PML-N and PPP garnered attention due to the allocation of proper symbols, but PTI sympathizers faced confusion with different symbols in each constituency. Jamat-e-Islami also stood out, having invested a significant amount of money, especially in conventional and social media.

The political landscape now has analysts and pundits in a state of perplexity, fearing the absence of a two-thirds majority for any political party.

The potential outcome could be a hung parliament, leading to the necessity of political parties forming unconventional alliances, complicating the governance of the country.

Concerns also arise regarding the likelihood of extensive "Horse Trading," particularly if independent candidates secure a significant number of wins.

Moreover, there is apprehension that the ensuing government might struggle to formulate sound economic policies, contributing to a lack of focus on both economic and foreign policy matters.

It is crucial for the incoming government, regardless of its leadership, to prioritize and address economic and foreign policy issues to steer clear of uncertainties and potential challenges posed by turncoats.

Pakistan: Kakar appointed Caretaker Prime Minister

According to Pakistan’s leading English newspaper, Dawn, Baluchistan Awami Party (BAP) Senator Anwaarul Haq Kakar has been chosen as the interim prime minister of Pakistan. His job is to keep the country running until a new government is elected.

The much awaited announcement came after Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and outgoing Opposition Leader in the National Assembly (NA) Raja Riaz reached a consensus over Kakar’s name for the coveted post during a meeting in Islamabad today.

Subsequently, the two leaders sent an advice regarding Kakar’s appointment as the caretaker prime minister to President Arif Alvi, who shortly afterwards accorded his assent.

“President Dr Arif Alvi has approved the appointment of Anwaarul Haq Kakar as caretaker prime minister. The president approved the appointment under Article 224-A of the Constitution,” a statement by the Aiwan-e-Sadr said.

Earlier, in a media talk outside the Prime Minister’s House after meeting PM Shehbaz, Riaz also confirmed that Kakar had been picked to head the interim set-up.

“We had earlier decided that the caretaker PM should be someone from a smaller province and a non-controversial personality. Our aim was to remove the sense of deprivation in small provinces.

“We have finally reached a consensus that Anwaarul Haq Kakar will be the caretaker PM,” Riaz said.

“I had given this name and the PM has consented to this name … I and the PM have signed on the summary,” he told reporters, adding Kakar would be sworn in on Sunday.

Anwaarul Haq Kakar was elected as an independent senator from Baluchistan in 2018, clinching a six-year term that will conclude in March 2024.

Simultaneously, he worked as chairperson of the Senate Standing Committee on Overseas Pakistanis and Human Resource Development, and as a member of the Business Advisory Committee, Finance and Revenue, Foreign Affairs and Science and Technology.

Kakar also undertook the role of parliamentary leader for the Baluchistan Awami Party — formed in 2018 — within the Senate.

Kakar navigated this leadership position for considerable five-year duration. Nonetheless, a mere five months ago, the party resolved to opt for new leadership, leading to his replacement.

He also served as the spokesperson for the Baluchistan government from December 2015 to January 2018.

According to the Centre for Strategic and Contemporary Research (CSCR), an Islamabad-based research institute, Kakar holds a bachelor’s degree in political science and sociology from the University of Baluchistan.

The institute also mentioned Kakar’s proficiency in English, Urdu, Persian, Pushto, Balochi, and Brahvi languages.

Reacting to the development, former information minister and ex-PTI leader Fawad Chaudhry said Kakar was an “honest, educated and modest” Pakistani.

“After a long time, some good news has come for Pakistan. May God be your supporter and bless this decision for Pakistan,” he said on X, formerly known as Twitter.

PPP leader Faisal Karim Kundi welcomed the development and congratulated Kakar. “PPP left it to PM Shehbaz to nominate the caretaker prime minister with the consultation of opposition leader.

“Hope under his leadership Election Commission will conduct free and fair elections,” he added.

Contrary to his colleague Kundi, PPP’s Khursheed Shah opposed Kakar’s selection and said, “We were not aware that Anwaarul Haq’s name will be finalized, and it would have been better if another person was selected for the post.”

However, he added, “Anwaarul Haq Kakar would be remembered if he succeeds in ensuring transparent elections.

Shah told Dawn.com over the phone that the PPP had proposed five names for the interim PM, which did not include Kakar. He shared four names he said were recommended by the PPP — Salim Abbas Jilani, Jalil Abbas Jilani, Muhammad Malik and Afzal Khan.

“Whoever proposed his (Kakar) name, we should hope for good,” the PPP leader said.

PTI Senator Ali Zafar said Kakar is an “intelligent, articulate [and] reasonable man”.

“[He] believes in politics of cooperation not confrontation: has always well represented the interests of Baluchistan [sic]. Wish him the best,” he tweeted.

Separately, Bloomberg quoted political commentator Hasan Askari Rizvi as saying that Kakar’s true test would be whether he follows the IMF’s approach and conducts inclusive elections involving all political parties.

He separately told AFP that Kakar has a limited political career and not much weight in Pakistani politics, but that could work in his favour.

“This can be an advantage because he has no strong affiliation with the major political parties,” he said.

“But the disadvantage is that being a lightweight politician he may find it difficult to cope with the problems he’s going to face without the active support of the military establishment.”

Sources said PML-N supremo Nawaz Sharif was insisting, through PM Shehbaz Sharif, on former finance minister Ishaq Dar to be picked as caretaker premier, and if not Dar, then former prime minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi.

However, Riaz, a PTI dissident with no backing of a political party, was getting dictation from another power corridor and insisting on the name of Senate Chairman Sadiq Sanjrani, sources claimed. Sanjrani called on Riaz on Friday, as well as Dar and Ahsan Iqbal.

Pakistan: Who is pulling the strings?

PML-N leader Shahbaz Sharif has warned the caretaker prime minister not to make appointments to certain key posts at the behest of President Asif Zardari. He reminded him to respect the people’s mandate as he was legally, morally and politically obliged to respect this mandate and warned of a stern stance if the caretakers did not change their attitude.

Ahsan Iqbal, the PML-N’s deputy secretary general, wonders what is forcing the interim government to take important decisions while the new set-up is going to change within 10 days.

MQM has announced to boycott the re-poll in NA-250. In a press conference held on Friday evening, MQM’s senior leader Raza Haroon said that efforts were made to snatch the party’s mandate in Karachi. The ECP on Friday rejected the MQM petition which sought re-polling in the entire NA-250 constituency of Karachi.

The ECP declared that re-polling would only be held in 43 polling stations of NA-250 out of total 180 polling stations where allegedly polling was not held or delayed these stations on 11th May.

In a surprising development, the lawyer who had filed a petition in the judges’ detention case has withdrawn his complaint against former president retired Gen Pervez Musharraf. The decision by Advocate Chaudhry Mohammad Aslam Ghumman came a day before the hearing of the case on Saturday by the Islamabad Anti-Terrorism Court at former president Pervez Musharraf’s Chak Shahzad farmhouse which has been declared a sub-jail.

Lately, Wazir Ali Khoja was removed from his post of Chairman and Managing Director National Investment Trust (NIT). Before his dismissal the government had removed three heads of public sector organizations: 1) Arif Hameed, MD, Sui Northern Gas Pipelines (SNGPL); Zuhair Siddiqui, MD Sui Southern Gas Company (SSGC) and retired Brigadier Khalid Khokhar, MD Pakistan Mineral Development Corporation (PMDC). 

One completely fails to understand that the power has not been transferred to newly elected members, elected members have not taken oath and even the names of new prime minister and finance minister have not been announced officially but posting and transfers are being made.

Many political parties have been talking about pre-poll and during the poll rigging but none have raised voice against such terminations. If such moves are being made at the federal level one just can’t rule out such violations at the provincial levels.

Almost all the political parties, PML-N being on the top, were accusing PPP-lead coalition of posting the favorites, but dismissal of those even before assuming charge creates even worst examples of nepotism by PML-N.

There were complaints that PML-N that ruled Punjab for five years, kept the favorites in key position during the interim set up to influence polling results.

It is often said that appointment of professionals as heads of public sector enterprises was aimed at improving performance of these entities. However, often these heads are appointed to serve the political agenda of appointing authorities.

The key items on agenda are: 1) paving way for appointment of party activists, 2) allocating advertisements to favorite media houses and above all 3) siphoning of funds by granting contracts to favorite entities.

The public sector enterprises that have been ruined include PIA, Pakistan Steel, and electricity generation and distribution companies. Entities that have been used to generate funds to meet shortfall in revenue collection are OGDC, PPL, PSO and Sui twins.

Interestingly nepotism, corruption and violation of good governance continued during the PPP led government despite the fact that Chaudhry Nisar Ali belonging to PML-N occupies the top slot of Chairman Public Accounts Committee.

Therefore, it may not be wrong to say that political parties criticize each other but have common motives. Surplus staff of PIA and Pakistan Steel just can’t be removed because activists of many political parties are there that follow the rule ‘I scratch you back and you scratch my back’.

Critics say political parties play ‘musical chair game’, let their favorites plunder and the next government allows them to go home without any accountability. Some cynics say that loyalties of turncoats are bought so that they could also help the new bosses in siphoning out funds of the public sector enterprises (PSEs).

It is o record that annually PSEs swallow around half a trillion rupees of tax payers’ money. A cynic commenting on metro bus project of PML-N said, ‘it was only to facilitate Ittefaq Steel (own by Sharif family) to sell its products’. 

It is only half truth because the project serves residents of Lahore only, whereas the condition of public transport throughout Punjab remains pathetic.

  DPC opposing opening up Nato routes

Sheikh Rashid Ahmad speaks during All Parties Conference held under Difa-i-Pakistan Council at Lahore Hafiz Muhammad Saeed,  Maulana Samiul Haq, Syed Munawar Hasan and General (R) Hameed Gul also present

The Difa-i-Pakistan Council (DPC) rally that started from Lahore, stayed at Gujrat overnight and finally held a meeting outside parliament building in Pakistan’s federal capital.The meeting was addressed by some of the stalwarts belonging to banned religious outfits, among these the most prominent was Jamaat-ud-Dawa chief Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, Lashkar-e-Teba fame.

The entire proceedings went very well because at no point either the provincial government headed by PML-N or the federal government led by PPP made any attempt to stop the rally. However, attack at an army camp in Gujrat spoiled the entire game. It was certainly not a reward to the government for providing a safe passage to the leaders and the participants of rally.

Lahore is the stronghold of PML-N and Gujrat the home town of Pervez Elahi, Deputy Prime Minister and Ahmed Mukhtar, ex-defence minister and presently heading ministry of water and power. PML-N chose not to participate in APC held earlier but fully compensated. PML-N has often attracted criticism for having deep-rooted relations with some of the banned religious outfits.

The number of people attending Islamabad meeting were quoted from as low as 15,000 to as high as 30,000. Creation of an elaborate stage, assembly of such a large number of demonstrators and appearance of leaders of banned outfits in ‘red zone’ raise a question, what was the federal home ministry and capital police doing?

One of possible explanation could be that the ruling junta to which PML-N is also a part has realized the gravity of situation, extreme anti United States sentiments among Pakistanis and just wanted to avoid any confrontation. The demand for pulling out Pakistan out of US proxy war in Afghanistan is on the rise

It is becoming difficult for the ruling junta as it can’t satisfy the domestic constituency on supporting the US, which is no longer considered a friend. Most of Pakistanis strongly believe that the United States has been playing the most active part in creating Indian Hegemony in the South Asia. An impression is being created that Pakistanis are mercenaries fighting Proxy US War in Afghanistan and India a major trading partner of the United States.