The decision by OPEC plus to cut production can be termed a
time-out to avert a tripartite war. Lately, there has been significant
deterioration in relations between the United States and Saudi Arabia.
Reportedly, nearly 50 US Republican
lawmakers warned Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on the eve of this
week’s OPEC oil ministers’ video-conference that economic and military
cooperation between the United States and Saudi Arabia was at risk. The
congressmen demanded that the kingdom must convince Russia to save oil marker
from a collapsed.
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) had joined Saudi Arabia in
raising production in a move that was sparked by Russia’s initial refusal to
extend production cuts agreed early this year but more fundamentally was
designed to knock out competition from US shale producers that had turned the
United States into the world’s largest oil producer.
It is being portrayed that Saudi Arabia, Russia and the UAE
share a desire to render the US shale industry uncompetitive. The prime
objective of Russia is to end the US hegemony by stripping it off its status of
largest oil producing country.
The threats for Arabian Peninsula monarchs and the US
have been raised by the collapse of the oil price as well as demand in the
midst of a global economic meltdown.
For Saudi Arabia and the UAE, the stakes were their
relationship with the US and significant reputational damage with a move that
put at risk tens of millions of American jobs at a time more than 17 million
people have been rendered jobless in the United States in the past four weeks.
Oil is but the tip of an iceberg in efforts, particularly in
the case of the UAE, to manage a divergence in interests with the United States
without tarnishing the country’s carefully groomed image as one of Washington’s
closest allies in the Middle East.
Emirati gestures were designed to ensure that it would not
be a target in any military confrontation between the United States and Iran.
However, when UAE began reaching out to Iran last year by
sending a coast guard delegation to Tehran to discuss maritime security in the
wake of alleged Iranian attacks on oil tankers off the coast of the Emirate,
the relationship got bitter.
The Trump administration remained silent when the UAE last
October released US$700 million in frozen Iranian assets that ran counter to US
efforts to strangle Iran economically with harsh sanctions.
While the United States reportedly blocked an Iranian
request for US$5 billion from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to fight
the virus, the UAE was among the first nations to facilitate aid shipments to
the Islamic republic.
The shipments led to a rare March 15 telephonic conversation
between UAE foreign minister Abdullah bin Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan and his
Iranian counterpart, Mohammad Javid Zarif.
UAE officials stressed that there would be no real
breakthrough in Emirati-Iranian relations as long as Iran supported proxies
like Hezbollah in Lebanon, pro-Iranian militias in Iraq and Houth rebels in
Yemen. The UAE gesture contrasted starkly with a Saudi refusal to capitalize on
the pandemic.
A against this, Saudi Arabia appeared to reinforce battle
lines by accusing Iran of “direct responsibility” for the spread of the virus.
Government-controlled media charged that Iran’s allies, Qatar and Turkey, had
deliberately mismanaged the crisis.
Moreover, the kingdom, backing a US refusal to ease
sanctioning of Iran, prevented the Non-Aligned Movement from condemning the
Trump administration’s hard line.
In a further indication of a divergence of interests, the
UAE was alleged for trying to sabotage US support for Turkey’s military
intervention in northern Syria as well as a Turkish-Russian engineered
ceasefire in the region.
It was also reported that UAE Crown Prince Mohammed bin
Zayed had promised Syrian President Bashar al-Assad US$3 billion, out of this US$250 million were paid upfront to break the ceasefire in Idlib, one of the last
rebel strongholds in Syria.
Prince Mohammed had hoped to tie Turkey up in fighting in
Syria, which would complicate Turkish military support for the internationally
recognized Libyan government in Tripoli. The UAE aids Libyan rebel forces led
by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar.
A tweet by Prince Mohammed on 28th March declaring
support for Syria in the fight against the coronavirus was designed to keep
secret the real reason for the UAE payment.
“I discussed with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad by phone
the repercussions of the spread of the coronavirus and assured him of the
UAE’s support of and assistance for the brotherly Syrian people in these
exceptional circumstances. Human solidarity in times of adversity supersedes
all else, Sisterly Syria will not be alone in these difficult circumstances,”
Prince Mohammed said. It is unlikely that Prince Mohammed’s explanations will
convince policymakers in Washington.
Nevertheless, the United States, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are
likely to hide cracks in their relations, but it is only a matter of time
the cracks will re-appear.