It will do us well to remember that the IG is not the
caretaker government (CTG) of the past. It is very unique, given the
circumstances in which it came to power—a popular youth-led uprising has
validated not only the IG’s assumption of power but has also, ipso facto,
granted approval for any and all legal actions it undertakes to rectify the
damage to the nation’s institutions and agencies. The mutilation done to the
nation would require more than run of the mill actions or traditional approach.
In passing it should be stressed that raising the issue of
Hasina’s resignation at this point in time is out of place, some may see this
as being ulteriorly motivated, and reeking of conspiracy.
It is of no consequence whether a person who assumed power
in a dubious manner, was deposed through a popular uprising—there can be no
greater mandate than this—and sought exile of their own volition, has tendered
an official letter of resignation. We must admit that the president’s recent
remarks regarding this have mystified us.
The various reform committee gives us a good idea of the
sectoral reforms the IG wants to undertake. Unique situation requires unique
response that may not necessarily conform to the normal methods and means of
administering a country.
But while the IG goes about fixing things, it should keep
the people informed about its policies and plan of action for rectification.
The IG should keep in mind that although it is not bound by any timeframe and
its framework of reference is very wide, its time limit is also not open-ended.
And a “reasonable” timeframe is open to various interpretations. What the IG is
doing should also be visible.
The first thing that still needs to be fully addressed is
the administration, which seems to be influenced by the lingering presence of
the Awami League. Reportedly, many beneficiaries of the past regime continue in
important appointments. The longer they stay in the administration the more are
the risks they pose to the successful implementation of the IG’s reform plans.
The significance of the manufactured unrest in the RMG sector, sabotage of oil
tankers, and various demands from different professional groups are
well-orchestrated actions to nip the plans of the IG in the bud.
Apparently, it would seem that the administration is not
moving fast enough for some quarter’s liking, and a feature post-revolution is
the regime of intimidation and coercion imposed on certain quarters. While that
is understandable under the circumstances, making haste while sorting out the
muck of the last 15 years may be counterproductive.
The public has certain expectations as well as grievances,
and some of these are manifested in the student outburst, demonstrated in their
siege of the High Court for removal of judges appointed during the Hasina
regime where personal fealty triumphed over qualification and merit. The latest
outburst is against the person in Bangabhaban for reasons mentioned.
One of the gripes the students have, and justifiably so, is
the continuation of some senior bureaucrats who thrived under the Hasina
regime, and who were complicit in the destruction of the state institutions and
misuse of the state agencies for partisan gains. This goes for all sectors.
The education sector was a target of the students too. But
witch-hunting is not the answer. Admittedly, the public universities were
caderised from the vice chancellor down to the junior most lecturer. Most of
them did not meet the minimum requirements of the post. One might say that it
was a long-term plan to destroy the backbone of the nation by destroying the
education sector.
It would also seem that the process of accountability is not
moving fast enough. One hears the question “Where have all the crooks gone, and
how?” Indeed, one may ask, once again, where have all the crooks gone? And by
crooks, I mean all those that sought sanctuary inside the safety of the
cantonments across the country after the student-led revolution that has been
anointed with the very appropriate appellation of Monsoon Revolution, and many
others who made good their escape quite a few days after the assumption of
office of the IG. In fact, there is a general suspicion that the beneficiaries
of the previous government may still be calling the shots.
A passing reference was made to this subject in one of my
previous columns, but time has come to accord the issue more than a cursory
glance. It is my distinct impression that the matter has been deliberately
swept under the carpet hoping that, Bangalee memory being short, the matter would
be forgotten. Well, not so soon.
A few questions need to be answered by the relevant
individuals in positions of responsibility. Feigning ignorance will not sit
well with the common man, who feels that allowing those responsible for
bringing so much misery to the people—through wanton loot and plunder,
siphoning billions out of the country, and particularly those directly
responsible for the deaths of a thousand and the maiming of several times
more—soils the blood of the martyrs. They must be held accountable.
Of the 170 million Bangladeshis, only 600 or so sought
refuge inside the military establishments. Among them were politicians and
senior members of the law enforcing agencies. The question is why. They must
have done something wrong that they feared would incur public wrath. In fact,
these were the people who would have left the country sooner but somehow
couldn’t. Some of their cleverer and smarter colleagues had abandoned the Awami
League boat no sooner than they realized that it had started taking in water.
In fact, abandoning the followers and leaving the country
furtively for safer places during hard times has been the hallmark of the party
leadership. History will bear out my comments. Therefore, to see the leader
living up to the party tradition after August 05 was not a surprise.
My question is, in the future, will highly secured places
within the country be used as sanctuaries for those responsible for killing
democracy, looting public wealth, and committing the kinds of misdeeds that
those seeking protection in the cantonments are alleged to have committed?
Additionally, we are still at a loss to explain how many of these individuals
managed to leave the country and who guaranteed them a safe exit.
The ultimate goal is to hold a participatory all-inclusive
and acceptable election. Having said that, holding elections without fixing the
systemic aberrations would take us back to square one. That would denigrate the
sacrifice of the martyrs of the Monsoon Revolution. And it shall not be allowed
to happen.
