Historically, Sheikh Mujeeb and his daughter Sheikh Hasina
have enjoyed the support of the successive Indian governments. In the
forthcoming general elections it is difficult to infer if India still supports
Hasina.
Indian External Affairs Minister Dr Subramaniam Jaisankhar’s
recent address in New Delhi to celebrate the ninth anniversary of the Bharatiya
Janata Party has created conflicting reactions in the Awami League and the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party.
Dr Jaisankhar iterated in his address in New Delhi what
prime minister Narendra Modi signed in the joint declaration namely India’s
commitment not to interfere in Bangladesh’s forthcoming general elections.
These developments could also be the game-changer for
holding Bangladesh’s next general elections freely and fairly and dealing with
the existential threat that a flawed national election would pose for the
country.
The statement has disappointed the Awami League, making many
of its followers apprehensive. Bangladesh’s foreign minister Dr AKA Momen
openly sought New Delhi’s help for a fourth consecutive term for the Awami
League on an official visit to New Delhi in 2022. His plea was widely reported
in the Indian and Bangladesh media.
Bangladesh’s opposition parties led by the BNP have been in
the political wilderness since the Awami League came to power in January 2009.
They have been oppressed, incarcerated and subjected to enforced disappearances
and other forms of oppression.
The US-west-UN and international rights organizations have
accused the Awami League in recent times of the violations that are protected
by UN charters with Bangladesh on the cusp of its next general elections.
India had stood steadfastly behind the Awami League till Dr
Jaisankhar’s recent statements. It provided seminal support to the Awami League
to become and remain the dominant power in Bangladesh. While New Delhi remained
silent, the US-led west became vocal against the Awami League up until the
Indian prime minister’s Washington visit.
Two instances underline India’s prime role in placing the
Awami League in its present position of dominance.
India’s former president Pranab Mukherjee’s soft corner for
the Awami League and Sheikh Hasina were open secrets in Bangladesh, thanks to
his prolific writings. He wrote that he had assured General Moeen U Ahmed not
to worry about his safety and future after his military rule had ended when the
latter met him in February 2008 in New Delhi.
Many now believe that the former Indian president won the
general over on the side of the Awami League. The Awami League won the December
2008 elections by a landslide. Its victory was expected but not the margin.
General Moeen U Ahmed supervised the general elections.
The other instance of India’s interference in Bangladesh’s
domestic politics was the infamous visit of the Indian foreign secretary Sujata
Singh to Dhaka before Bangladesh’s 2014 general election. She arm-twisted President
HM Ershad, many say blackmailed, to participate in the 2014 elections. India’s
interference allowed the Awami League to hold the 2014 elections that the
BNP-led opposition boycotted.
India’s interference helped the Awami League to also abort
the BNP-Jamaat’s movement for the restoration of the caretaker government
system that it had forced the BNP to adopt in the constitution as the 13h
amendment in 1991–96 with Jamaat and Jatiya Party as allies.
Sheikh Hasina claimed while leading the 1991–96 movement
that the caretaker government system was the panacea for changing government
peacefully in an emerging democracy. She wanted the caretaker government system
to be in the constitution ‘forever.’
India’s interference also legitimized the 15th amendment
under which the Awami League held the 2014 elections. The BNP’s effort to
establish the amendment as the Awami League’s constitutional mechanism for its
BAKSAL vision failed because India led the Awami League’s claim that the BNP
and Jamaat were supporters of Islamic terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism that
the US-led West accepted wholeheartedly. The result of the 2014 elections was a
shame not just to Bangladesh but also to all those who supported it. There was
no election to 154 of the 300 seats.
Bangladesh’s present crisis is similar but more dangerous
than that it faced leading to the 2014 elections with important changes down
the road. One perceptible change has been in India’s role in the 2018
elections. New Delhi stayed away from it despite repeated appeals by the Awami
League for help. The Awami League even claimed in making its desperate appeals
to New Delhi, leading to the 2018 elections that many hundreds and thousands of
its supporters would be killed if it lost power.
The Awami League still won in 2018 elections. It had,
meanwhile politicized the civil bureaucracy, the law enforcement agencies and
the Election Commissioner in its favour in such a manner that they ensured
ballot boxes managed votes to be stuffed in its favour the midnight before the
election.
The 2018 elections earned the ‘midnight elections’ nickname.
The BNP flagged the futility of participating in a general election under the
15th amendment but was forced to take part in it because it would have,
otherwise, lost its registration for abstaining from two consecutive general
elections. It was no wonder, therefore, that the Awami League won 293 of the
300 seats in the 2018 elections.
Dramatic changes have occurred in the international order
since Bangladesh’s 2018 election. Islamic terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism
that had made the US-west-UN allow the Awami League to do anything to remain in
power leading to the 2014 and the 2018 elections are now out of the radar.
These powers have now come together for democracy, human
rights and a free and fair general election in Bangladesh at a time when it is
clear that the country cannot withstand another election similar to the 2014
and 2018 elections. It is now also clear that there cannot be any election in
Bangladesh under the 15th Amendment without pushing the country towards an
existential crisis.
India which was an ally of the US-West in Bangladesh’s
controversial 2014 and 2018 elections, nevertheless, had remained silent about
the dramatic changes. It kept Bangladesh across its political divide, waiting,
aware that its role would be very crucial.
Most Bangladeshis were not inclined to believe that the
US-west-UN would not be able to force a peaceful change of government in
Bangladesh without India. A great many believed that New Delhi and Washington
would, in the end, back a fourth term for the Awami League.
India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to
Washington answered Bangladesh’s waiting, almost. Narendra Modi did not speak
for the Awami League as its supporters expected. He agreed instead through
paragraph 36 of the 58-paragraph joint declaration of the summit to support
‘freedom, democracy, human rights, inclusion, pluralism, and equal
opportunities for all citizens.’
Thus, by interpretation, he dittoed the recent initiatives
of the United States in Bangladesh for democracy and human rights, particularly
for holding Bangladesh’s next general election in a manner where every voter
would be able to vote freely, fairly and without fear.