It was not a big surprise to wake up on the morning of
November 02, 2022 to find out that the Israeli government and Knesset
would now be run by a dominant majority of nationalistic religious Jews,
Zionists and hard-line politicians who have previously advocated official
ethnic-cleansing and shoot-to-kill policies against Palestinians.
One of them is likely to become public security minister,
and others will hold key positions in government. Israel has been
lurching further rightwards for the past two decades, and this coalition has
nearly won previous elections, so it is not that shocking that they are
now in power. And yet, one should ask, how different will Israel be after these
elections?
With a
clear majority in the Knesset and a firm hold on the executive branch, these
old-new political elites will continue to do everything that previous
governments have done over the past 74 years - but with more zeal,
determination and disregard for international condemnation.
It will likely begin by expanding the Judaisation of the
occupied West Bank and Greater Jerusalem, and by expanding military activity in
what is already on track to be an exceptionally deadly year for
Palestinians. Since the start of 2022, Israeli forces and settlers have
killed more than 130 Palestinians, including more than 30 children, across
the occupied West Bank.
The new government will surely intensify the provocative
visits of Jewish politicians to al-Aqsa Mosque complex. One can also
expect further escalation in house demolitions, arrests without trial and
a free hand being given to settler vigilantes to wreak destruction at
will.
It is
not clear how far these new elites will go in its policy towards the Gaza
Strip. Since 2008, Israel’s policy in Gaza has been so callous and inhumane
that one finds it difficult to imagine what could be worse than a siege,
blockade and occasional brutal air bombardments on a civil society.
Similarly, it is difficult to predict the new government’s
policies towards Palestinians inside Israel. Under the 2018 nation-state
law, Israel formalized its status as an apartheid state. One suspects
that, as in the occupied West Bank, much of the same and worse can be expected.
One will probably see a continued disregard for the rise of criminal activity,
along with stricter policies on house expansions in Palestinian rural
areas.
One can also expect a continued suppression of any
Palestinian collective attempts to express the minority’s national identity -
whether through waving Palestinian flags on campuses, commemorating
the Nakba, or in other ways expressing the rich cultural heritage of this
community.
In
short, any remaining charade of democracy will disappear under this new regime.
Yet, despite the massive shift in global perceptions towards
Israel in recent years - manifested in its depiction as an apartheid state by
major international human rights groups, such as Amnesty International and Human
Rights Watch, and the willingness of the International Court of Justice
to discuss the decolonization of the occupied West Bank - there seems
to be a general reluctance to acknowledge the possibility that there is Jewish
racism, as much as there is Christian, Muslim or Buddhist racism.
Suddenly,
UN General Assembly Resolution 3379 (passed in 1975 and later revoked),
which equates Zionism with racism, no longer seems to be a declaration detached
from the realities and complexities in Israel and Palestine. The African and
Arab member states that pushed the resolution showed foresight in pinpointing
racism as the main danger that Zionism as a state ideology carries with it -
not only for Palestinians, but for the region as a whole.
The disappearance in this election of the Zionist left can
also be easily understood if one appreciates the depth and breadth of racism
within Israeli society, particularly among youth. As a son of German Jews
who escaped German racism in the early 1930s, and now studying it as an adult,
I am deeply disturbed at this picture of a society mesmerized by racism and
bequeathing it to the next generation.
Will
Jewish communities recognize this reality or continue to ignore it? Will
governments in the West, and particularly the American administration,
acknowledge or disregard this trend? Will the Arab world, which has embarked on
a process of normalization with Israel, treat this as irrelevant, as it
does not undermine their regimes’ fundamental interests?
One has no answers to these questions. It is actually not
necessary to answer these questions, but rather to do everything possible so
that one day, they will be answered in a way that saves both Palestinians and
Jews from a disastrous fate - and stops Israel from leading all towards a
precipice whose edge is now more visible than ever.