Netanyahu causing cumulative damage to US-Israel ties

In a rare move, the US State Department called Israeli envoy Mike Herzog in to voice its displeasure at the Knesset vote the night before repealing the 2005 Disengagement Law in northern Samaria.

According to a brief readout of that meeting, Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman conveyed Washington’s concern over the move, including the prohibition on establishing settlements in the northern West Bank. They also discussed the importance of all parties refraining from actions or rhetoric that could further inflame tensions leading into the Ramadan, Passover and Easter holidays.

There was no word regarding how Herzog responded, and neither the Foreign Ministry nor the Prime Minister’s Office statement. What Herzog could have reminded Sherman, but probably did not, is that this was a decision made by the democratically elected government of Israel and passed democratically by its parliament.

Why stress that point? Because the Americans over the last several weeks have expressed concern about the judicial overhaul proposal and the democratic direction of the country. Herzog could have said, “You want democracy? Well, this is democracy.”

Yet, not every decision made democratically is wise, nor the timing particularly opportune. And this is one of those cases.

Not for nothing did Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu block this type of bill from passing the Knesset in the past.

In March 2019, before the first of a cycle of five elections, then-justice minister Ayelet Shaked said that Netanyahu had blocked the cancellation of the Disengagement Law for political reasons, and that her New Right Party would work for the law’s repeal in the next coalition. The prime minister reportedly kept the bill from progressing on numerous occasions from 2015–2019 because he understood its sensitivity, including the impact in could have on his relations with Washington.

It’s a shame that Netanyahu, circa 2023, did not listen to Netanyahu, circa 2015-2019.

Had he done so, it could have spared Israel a reprimand from the US State Department which characterized the law as “provocative and counterproductive,” saying that it contradicted prior commitments given to America 20 years ago by then-prime minister Ariel Sharon, and just a few days ago by the current government.

While Israel can withstand US disapproval of one policy or another, when the disagreements come in quick succession there is a concern about accumulative impact.

The Knesset Disengagement Law comes hot on the heels of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich’s utterance that there is “no such thing as a Palestinian people.” And that followed his comment that Huwara should be erased. Both remarks were condemned by the US.

This is in addition to America’s stated concern about the judicial reform bill. President Joe Biden, who has pointedly not yet invited Netanyahu to the White House for a meeting, spoke with the prime minister by phone this week and, according to a US readout of that conversation, “underscore[d] his belief that democratic values have always been, and must remain, a hallmark of the US-Israel relationship, that democratic societies are strengthened by genuine checks and balances, and that fundamental changes should be pursued with the broadest possible base of popular support.”

The aggregate of all this is negative, and is coming at a time when Iran continues moving closer to the nuclear finish line and Israel will need US assistance – diplomatic or otherwise – to prevent it from crossing that line and gaining nuclear capabilities.

It is also coming as some in the Democratic Party, and not only the usual suspects of far-Left progressives, are speaking of the need to curtail aid to Israel.

For instance, Connecticut Sen. Chris Murphy said on Sunday that Washington should condition its aid to Israel. “I think the United States needs to draw a harder line with this government,” he said in a CNN interview.

“If we’re going to continue to be in the business of supporting the Israeli government, they have to be in the continued business of a future Palestinian state.”

Even if the prime minister disagrees with these sentiments, the Netanyahu of past governments would have been attuned to them and adjusted policy accordingly.

The current Netanyahu, however, is not similarly attuned, and the result – as the summons of Herzog to the State Department attests – is bad for Israel-US ties.

Courtesy: The Jerusalem Post

 

 

 

 

 

 

Where was the US when Iran and Saudi Arabia restored ties?

The news over the weekend that Iran and Saudi Arabia agreed to reestablish relations took many policymakers by surprise and is seen by some as potentially casting a shadow over the possibility of Israel and Saudi Arabia progressing in their relations.

It came just days after the Wall Street Journal reported that peace between Saudi Arabia and Israel is contingent on assistance from Washington in developing the Saudi civilian nuclear program and the provision of security guarantees.

A senior official traveling with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s entourage to Italy naturally put the blame on his predecessors, as well as on the Biden administration.

“There was a feeling of American and Israeli weakness, so Saudi Arabia turned to other channels,” said the senior Israeli official, who briefed reporters in Italy.

Other observers said the rapprochement between the long-strained countries was in part due to Israel’s increasingly right-wing turn and political chaos unfolding due to the judicial reforms.

The move certainly must have been a surprise for Netanyahu, who has often portrayed Israel’s strength as a ticket to more relations in the region.

While all the critics of the Iran-Saudi deal may be correct, it would be wise to urge caution in how Israel moves forward. It would be good for the government to welcome the deal cautiously but to also draw the necessary conclusions.

First and foremost, the fact that China mediated a deal between two Middle Eastern powers says something about the US.

China is a rival to America and the countries have been vying for influence over the region for decades.

China’s ability to enter into the Iranian-Saudi standoff is a result of the vacuum created by the lack of US engagement in the region.

It is no secret that the Biden administration – and the Obama administration before it – viewed their role as moving away from the Middle East.

Obama did this by setting redlines in Syria that were never enforced, allowing Russia to enter the country. The Biden administration has done the same by signaling to the Saudis and Emiratis that they are on their own when it comes to fighting the Houthis in Yemen.

China has outshone the US in the Middle East and that will have repercussions on Israel, whose alliance with America directly affects its own standing in the region.

It has been long argued, when the US is strong and perceived as engaged in the region, this empowers Israel and vice versa.

On the other hand, Israel will need to wait and see if the normalization of ties between Iran and Saudi Arabia means that Riyadh will have more influence and connections when it comes to reining in Iran.

When Iran is more aggressive, whether in weapons trafficking to Lebanon or Yemen, or destabilizing Iraq and Syria, then Israel and Saudi Arabia are both threatened. Saudi Arabia cares deeply about Yemen and Lebanon, and also Iraq and Syria; and this means that Iran’s actions will be in the spotlight after the agreement.

We should welcome diplomacy as a pathway toward peace and stability in the region. At the same time, we should make it clear that the redlines relating to nuclear weapons production remain the same as in the past.

Riyadh does not want Iran to have a nuclear weapons program. It is likely true that China also does not want an Iranian bomb, even if Beijing has chosen to remain silent on this issue, or appear to support Iran against US sanctions in the past.

Israel’s other interest is to maintain its track of emerging and potential ties with Saudi Arabia. As we have seen with reconciliation with Turkey – which has warm relations with Tehran – relationships can evolve on separate tracks.

Courtesy: The Jerusalem Post