McCarthy pledges to invite Netanyahu to Washington

US House Speaker Kevin McCarthy arrived in Israel with a bi-partisan delegation of 19 other members of Congress to celebrate Israel’s 75th anniversary. He promised to bring Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Capitol Hill in Washington if US President Joe Biden continued to refuse to invite him to the White House.

"I'll invite the prime minister to come meet with the House. He's a dear friend, as a prime minister of a country that we have our closest ties with,” McCarthy told the Hebrew daily Yisrael HaYom on the first day of his two-day trip to Israel.

McCarthy arrived with a bi-partisan delegation of 19 other members of Congress to celebrate Israel’s 75th anniversary. He is expected to address the Knesset plenum on Monday, a rare move that has been done only once before by Newt Gingrich in 1998.

The bi-partisan delegation’s visit is viewed as symbolic of the strong Israeli-US ties at a time when tensions are high between Biden and Netanyahu over the latter’s judicial overhaul plan.

Netanyahu had expected to be invited to the White House after his new government was sworn in at the end of December. Despite initial promises that an invitation would be forthcoming, Biden publicly stated he had no plans to invite Netanyahu at this time.

The Biden administration fears that the overhaul would weaken Israeli democracy, while Netanyahu has argued that it would strengthen it.

McCarthy told Yisrael HaYom that too much time had lapsed.

"I think it's too long now. He [Biden] should invite him soon,” McCarthy said.

McCarthy has in the past spoken strongly in support of Netanyahu who he is expected to meet during the visit.

 

 

Netanyahu causing cumulative damage to US-Israel ties

In a rare move, the US State Department called Israeli envoy Mike Herzog in to voice its displeasure at the Knesset vote the night before repealing the 2005 Disengagement Law in northern Samaria.

According to a brief readout of that meeting, Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman conveyed Washington’s concern over the move, including the prohibition on establishing settlements in the northern West Bank. They also discussed the importance of all parties refraining from actions or rhetoric that could further inflame tensions leading into the Ramadan, Passover and Easter holidays.

There was no word regarding how Herzog responded, and neither the Foreign Ministry nor the Prime Minister’s Office statement. What Herzog could have reminded Sherman, but probably did not, is that this was a decision made by the democratically elected government of Israel and passed democratically by its parliament.

Why stress that point? Because the Americans over the last several weeks have expressed concern about the judicial overhaul proposal and the democratic direction of the country. Herzog could have said, “You want democracy? Well, this is democracy.”

Yet, not every decision made democratically is wise, nor the timing particularly opportune. And this is one of those cases.

Not for nothing did Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu block this type of bill from passing the Knesset in the past.

In March 2019, before the first of a cycle of five elections, then-justice minister Ayelet Shaked said that Netanyahu had blocked the cancellation of the Disengagement Law for political reasons, and that her New Right Party would work for the law’s repeal in the next coalition. The prime minister reportedly kept the bill from progressing on numerous occasions from 2015–2019 because he understood its sensitivity, including the impact in could have on his relations with Washington.

It’s a shame that Netanyahu, circa 2023, did not listen to Netanyahu, circa 2015-2019.

Had he done so, it could have spared Israel a reprimand from the US State Department which characterized the law as “provocative and counterproductive,” saying that it contradicted prior commitments given to America 20 years ago by then-prime minister Ariel Sharon, and just a few days ago by the current government.

While Israel can withstand US disapproval of one policy or another, when the disagreements come in quick succession there is a concern about accumulative impact.

The Knesset Disengagement Law comes hot on the heels of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich’s utterance that there is “no such thing as a Palestinian people.” And that followed his comment that Huwara should be erased. Both remarks were condemned by the US.

This is in addition to America’s stated concern about the judicial reform bill. President Joe Biden, who has pointedly not yet invited Netanyahu to the White House for a meeting, spoke with the prime minister by phone this week and, according to a US readout of that conversation, “underscore[d] his belief that democratic values have always been, and must remain, a hallmark of the US-Israel relationship, that democratic societies are strengthened by genuine checks and balances, and that fundamental changes should be pursued with the broadest possible base of popular support.”

The aggregate of all this is negative, and is coming at a time when Iran continues moving closer to the nuclear finish line and Israel will need US assistance – diplomatic or otherwise – to prevent it from crossing that line and gaining nuclear capabilities.

It is also coming as some in the Democratic Party, and not only the usual suspects of far-Left progressives, are speaking of the need to curtail aid to Israel.

For instance, Connecticut Sen. Chris Murphy said on Sunday that Washington should condition its aid to Israel. “I think the United States needs to draw a harder line with this government,” he said in a CNN interview.

“If we’re going to continue to be in the business of supporting the Israeli government, they have to be in the continued business of a future Palestinian state.”

Even if the prime minister disagrees with these sentiments, the Netanyahu of past governments would have been attuned to them and adjusted policy accordingly.

The current Netanyahu, however, is not similarly attuned, and the result – as the summons of Herzog to the State Department attests – is bad for Israel-US ties.

Courtesy: The Jerusalem Post

 

 

 

 

 

 

Israel has already annexed West Bank

The UN General Assembly has referred the West Bank issue to the World Court. There are again rumblings about possible annexation, especially with Benjamin Netanyahu’s far-Right government assuming power in Jerusalem.

Annexation is viewed as something terrible Israel might do to the Palestinians. However the reality is that Israel has already incorporated the West Bank long ago.

It has not formally annexed this not-very-large area in order to avoid provoking the region and the world – and mainly to avoid having to extend the right to vote for the Israeli parliament to the region’s three million Palestinians.

This is a neat little trick that has worked well; it has fooled most people most of the time, including, amusingly, a few clueless Jewish nationalists who never got the memo and are now calling for annexation.

To understand that the West Bank is already part of Israel, consider the following:

By law, Israelis abroad cannot vote in elections unless they are diplomats or other envoys of the state; generally only citizens present in Israeli sovereign territory on Election Day can vote. Are the half a million West Bank settlers allowed to vote? You bet they are, and in impressive numbers they do. That is in contrast to Palestinians who may be living in a village just across the road.

Countries do not generally build towns and villages on territory that does not belong to them (and democratic countries certainly do not build anything for only one ethnic group only). Is Israel building Jewish settlements in the West Bank? It certainly has, and now it will again; there’s an accredited university there as well.

Israel controls all entry and exit to and from the overall West Bank, as well as passage between the Palestinian Authority autonomy islands. Israel controls the airspace and the water, natural resources and construction rights in most of the territory, and also provides the currency. Israel has the overriding security and justice authority, and even the autonomous islands are essentially subordinate.

Is there any other country with such a level of control on territory that isn’t part of it? Certainly not democratic countries; the US territories like Puerto Rico are an interesting case – and the locals there are US citizens. The situation is analogous mainly to the colonial era, which wound down in the middle of the previous century.

Defenders of the situation will say the occupation is necessary for security reasons, because otherwise the West Bank would fall to Hamas and terrorists would fire rockets from strategic highland at Israel’s major cities. That’s a very reasonable concern, given that this precise thing happened after Israel pulled out of Gaza in 2005 – but it does not justify the settlements.

Apologists will argue that the occupation is temporary, until the Palestinians agree to Israel’s conditions for partition. But they will not agree to Israel’s terms. The excuse of temporariness is preposterous after 55 years, with no end in sight and the new government preparing to further deepen the settlement enterprise; it plans to legitimize illegal outposts deep inside the territory.

Some argue that most settlers live quite close to the old pre-1967 border, and incorporating them only, would usefully expand Israel’s narrow waist, which at its narrowest point is less than 20 kilometers (about 10 miles) wide. But this does not apply to the 100,000 settlers who live deep inside these territories – well beyond the security barrier established in the 2000s (and which eats into about 15% of the West Bank); the purpose of those settlements, and most of what the new government plans, is to make any partition impossible.

Some right-wingers now want Israel to stand supposedly strong by formally annexing so-called Area C, which is the 60% or so of the West Bank that surrounds the autonomy areas – an unwieldy map created by the 1990s Oslo Accords.

It is doubted that people know the map. Such an annexation, which would leave islands of non-annexed Palestinian areas surrounded by Israeli territory, would not produce what a reasonable person would consider a partition. If anything, it would invite comparisons to South Africa’s apartheid-era Bantustans. It is only slightly less childish than suggesting Israel annex everything except the homes of Palestinians.

If the current government actually lasts four years and deepens the settlement project, the situation will gradually escalate. The Palestinian Authority is likely to collapse – or at least move on from 87-year old leader Mahmoud Abbas. There may well be a renewed Palestinian uprising. And before long, there will be a growing Palestinian demand for Israel to really annex the West Bank – all of it, giving the Palestinians the same voting rights enjoyed by the two million Arab citizens in Israel proper.

This is the likely outcome of an occupation that includes colonization of the kind that is taking place. This is the only formal annexation scheme that will actually mean anything, and it will be backed by the entire world, probably with economic sanctions.

The result will be a country of some 13 million that is barely over half Jewish – and you can expect further conflicts, including between secular and religious Jews, that will cause mass emigration among the sector currently responsible for Israel’s economic and high-tech miracle.

The result will be a new country called Palestine, not Israel. This understanding of demographic reality (and the leverage it bestows) is why the Palestinians have not made things easy for Israel by seriously engaging with previous peace and partition offers made by more intelligent governments.

An Israel that wants to survive in the long term should freeze all settlement activity beyond the security barrier line – and project to all audiences that its strategic imperative is a secure way to separate from most of the West Bank.

In the wake of last week’s UN decision, the World Court could do peace a major service by expediting procedures and nudging Israel in this direction.

Annexation is not something Israel should threaten – but something it should strenuously seek to avoid. Instead, under the new government, it is headed off a cliff in a way that can only leave its enemies incredulous with joy. It is a genuine failure of democracy – and a very flawed one at that, because millions of Palestinians are effectively residents who cannot vote.

Netanyahu-Ben Gvir government may bring Israel economic sanctions

On Tuesday, voters turned out in record numbers in order to have their say in the democratic process, resulting in the election of a government led by former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and including outspoken political extremist Itamar Ben-Gvir, if its campaign promises are fulfilled, could radically impact the nation’s economy.

The economy that Netanyahu government stands to inherit is actually doing pretty well, compared to other developed countries. Israel currently boasts the second-lowest inflation rate in the OECD and one of its highest growth rates. As such, the country’s incoming leaders will have more economic degrees of freedom than other nations may have.

With that in mind, “The promises made by these parties are such that they can very quickly lead Israel down the rabbit-hole,” said Prof. Dan Ben-David, Head of Shoresh Institution for Socioeconomic Research and an economist at Tel-Aviv University. According to him, the threat posed to Israel’s economic well-being by the nation’s new leadership is both present and substantial.

“In terms of straightforward economics, they are promising tons of money to various sectors. Netanyahu has promised free education from the age of zero, he talked about freezing interest rates and arnona (municipal tax payments), he promised to give full funding to all of the Haredi schools,” Ben-David said. “That’s going to cost a lot of money, not to mention the fact that it’s completely going to mortgage Israel’s future.”

Basic economics aside, there is a critical political factor in play. If Ben-Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit Party manages to reform the country’s judicial and political systems as it intends to do, it could lead to severe ramifications on the world stage.

“Those actions can basically bring down the developed world’s wrath on us,” Ben-David warned. “When you have Jewish supremacists in leading political cabinet positions, what does that say about Israel’s ability to defend itself against accusations of apartheid elsewhere? All you need to do is look at what happened in South Africa to get a glimpse of the kind of economic sanctions that we may get hit with if this government follows through with even a part of the things that they promised to do.”

A sufficient amount of serious economic turmoil from mishandling or severe sanctions could in turn lead to the evacuation of Israel’s largest economic contributors, Ben-David warned.

“It could happen way before the international community wakes up. The entire hi-tech industry, all of the physicians and the entire senior faculty in all of the research universities in Israel make up less than 4% of the population,” he said. “If a critical mass of the young, educated and skilled people in Israel reach the conclusion that it’s game over and leave in the next few years, then the game ends a lot quicker than it would have otherwise.”

It is still uncertain which of the many promises made by the entering parties will come to fruition, but if Israel’s new leadership doesn’t tread carefully, those who put them there could be in for even more change than they asked for.

 

Welcome Yair Lapid, Goodbye Naftali Bennett

Yair Lapid swears in as interim Prime Minister of Israel at midnight, replacing Naftali Bennett, who announced not be running in the next elections being held on November 01, 2022.

This makes Lapid the 14th Prime Minister of Israel

Bennett, Lapid and their families participated in a small ceremony for Lapid's transition to Prime Minister. Before the ceremony, Lapid also paid a visit to Yad Vashem.

"Yair, I'm handing you the stick," Bennett told Lapid. "This country and this position do not belong to any one person. We're doing this together and now it's your time."

The Knesset dispersed a few hours earlier the same day with a 92-0 vote.

When Knesset Speaker Miki Levy announced the dissolution of the 24th Knesset, Bennett rose from his chair and signaled incoming Prime Minister Lapid that he would be replaced.

The two are expected to sit down for a long conversation in which they will discuss the overlap between them, Ynet reported.

On Tuesday, Lapid will make his first political trip abroad as Prime Minister to France, and will meet with French Prime Minister Emmanuel Macron.

He will also host US President Joe Biden in his visit to Israel.

In accordance with the coalition agreement, Naftali Bennett stepped down from the premiership, becoming alternate prime minister, a title Lapid held for the past year. Lapid will remain foreign minister, as well.

Lapid’s first stop after becoming prime minister was the Hall of Remembrance at Yad Vashem, which he said he visited “to promise my father that I will always keep Israel strong and capable of defending itself and protecting its children.” His father, former justice minister Tommy Lapid, was a Holocaust survivor.

After that, Lapid went to the Prime Minister’s Office for a handover ceremony and transition meeting with Bennett. Lapid’s wife, Lihi, and Bennett’s wife, Gilat, and their children attended, as did Prime Minister’s Office staff, but the ceremony was otherwise closed to press or guests.

Lapid made brief remarks, saying to Bennett, “I have worked under Prime Ministers. I am familiar with Prime Ministers. You are a good man and an excellent Prime Minister. You are also a good friend. This is not a farewell ceremony because there is no intention to take leave of you."

Bennett told Lapid that Israel and the premiership do not belong to any one person; they belong to the entire people of Israel.

“I hand over to you the responsibility for the State of Israel. I wish that you guard it well and may G-d watch over you,” he said.

Bennett wished Lapid luck and said to him the blessing parents traditionally say to children on Shabbat, “May G-d make you like Efraim and Menashe. May the Lord bless you and keep you. May he make His face to shine on you and be gracious to you. May He lift up His face to you and grant you peace.”

Lapid said his mother, author Shulamit Lapid, had blessed him in the same way earlier that day.

The new Prime Minister’s next stop was expected to be the residence of President Isaac Herzog. Lapid’s first trip as Prime Minister, originally planned for Bennett, is set for Tuesday.

 

 

Naftali Bennett from one crisis to another

Lately a cartoon described the condition being faced by Israeli Prime Minister, Naftali Bennett, swimming in shark-filled waters, but he is not aware that there are more than a dozen sharks trailing him behind his back. 

The cartoon aptly illustrated where Bennett’s government stands right now, after resolving its coalition crisis with the Ra’am (United Arab List) Party.

That crisis was a reminder of how difficult it is to survive with a slim majority in the Knesset of 60 to 59 on a good day. It also demonstrated how sensitive the coalition is to any issue that could provoke controversy.

Mansour Abbas leading Ra’am into the coalition was celebrated worldwide as a historic breakthrough for Israel. Along with the Abraham Accords, an Arab party joining the coalition was seen internationally as Israel successfully entering a new era of mutually beneficial strategic cooperation with the Arab world despite the conflict with the Palestinians remaining unresolved.

Abbas enthusiastically and optimistically told The Jerusalem Post at an October 2021 press conference at the Knesset, where he presented the government’s massive new allocations to the Arab sector, that it would now become natural for Arab parties to join every Israeli governing coalition forever.

That historic breakthrough was nearly lost, due to Temple Mount violence and the lack of honest reporting about it. Like countless times in the past, violence on the Temple Mount that was exaggerated and fanned by fake news threatened to derail the sensitive fabric of life in the Holy Land.

Reports in the Arab world that made it look as though Israel was purposely trying to kill Muslims at prayer at the Aqsa Mosque nearly made it impossible for Abbas to climb down from the Mount and back into the coalition.

Even when Abbas was finally ready to end the crisis, another incident magnified in the international Arabic media around the world got in the way. Wednesday’s incident in Jenin in which Al Jazeera correspondent Shireen Abu Akleh was shot dead – and the bad press Israel got in its aftermath – could have forced Abbas to continue to freeze his party’s membership in the coalition, vote for a bill that would initiate an election and perhaps even torpedo Bennett’s government.

Abbas canceled a press conference he had scheduled in Kafr Kassem, called Abu Akleh a martyr and said he would insist on an international investigation of the incident. He would have carried on his protest of the incident longer and scored more points with his constituents, if he had had time.

But Abbas had to announce how his party would vote on the Likud’s Knesset dissolution bill in the afternoon and could not wait. His speech about “giving the coalition another chance” could have been written the day he began what was essentially a fake crisis that he initiated to look like the defender of al-Aqsa while the Knesset was on recess.

Abbas knows that he needs as much time as he can get in the coalition for his constituents to be able to see with their own eyes – or at least with their pocketbooks – the positive results of him joining.

What made it easier for Abbas to justify unfreezing Ra’am’s membership in the coalition was the foolishly unruly behavior of the opposition.

He spoke immediately after opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu blasted him in a speech in the Knesset plenum that was supposed to be about Theodor Herzl.

Netanyahu picked yet another fight with Abbas, even though Ra’am could be a very easy coalition partner for him in the future. Every time Netanyahu calls Abbas “a terror supporter” or pretends he did not negotiate Ra’am building a bond with the Likud, Bennett’s coalition gets stronger.

The most right-wing MK in the Knesset, Itamar Ben-Gvir, helped strengthen the coalition even more by crashing Abbas’s press conference in the Knesset. Alternate Prime Minister Yair Lapid said later that the public prefers Abbas in the coalition over Ben-Gvir.

Then there was the opposition’s most uncouth MK, David Amsalem, who shocked MKs in both the coalition and opposition three times on Wednesday.

First he started an unnecessary fight with Knesset Speaker Mickey Levy, threatening the former Jerusalem police chief. Then he insisted on responding in the plenum to a consensus bill proposed by deaf MK Shirley Pinto that would require government offices to speak to deaf people via text messages. The bill passed 40-0, but Amsalem still had to speak against it.

Finally, Amsalem left a live interview with Channel 12 to cast the deciding vote on a bill. Meretz MK Yair Golan was on the same program, and the two had paired off to leave the coalition and opposition with the same balance in the plenum. But Amsalem left Golan as he was speaking next to him and raced up to vote.

It was less noticed by the coalition, but another MK who embarrassed herself was former coalition chairwoman Idit Silman. She claimed in a TV interview that one of the reasons she defected to the opposition was that the government had built a “Reform Kotel.”

She knows full well that no progress has been made on implementing the Western Wall agreement, that the family prayer site is not intended only for Reform Jews, that Reform is not a slur, and that while Bennett did build what he called the “Ezrat Israel,” it was when he was Jerusalem affairs minister under Netanyahu in 2014.

Silman said in the Knesset cafeteria that she thinks her bolting the coalition will prevent the site’s renovation. She said that since she left, the coalition has had to go “rightward” – yamina in Hebrew. But the coalition’s cooperation with the Joint List that came as the result of her departure has proven that the opposite is true.

Now that the fight with Abbas is over, there are plenty of challenges that await the coalition.

The sharks approaching Bennett include Jerusalem Day celebrations in two weeks, next month’s visit of US President Joe Biden to Israel, attempts to pass next year’s state budget that will begin on June 16, wavering Yamina MK Nir Orbach’s demand to hook up unauthorized outposts to the national electricity grid, and the pregnancy of New Hope faction head Sharren Haskel.

Haskel is due at the end of July, around the same time the Knesset will leave for its next recess. If she gives birth early, she may have to bring her newborn into the plenum to vote, as Pinto did six days after the birth of her child in December.

Jerusalem Day will be the first challenge. Opposition officials said they intend to exploit the holiday to anger Ra’am again, but they said they do have limits.

“We won’t cause a security crisis to cause a political crisis with Ra’am, but we will call for people to go on the Temple Mount on Jerusalem Day, of course,” a Likud spokesman said.

The spokesman said he did not think Netanyahu would ascend the Temple Mount, but acknowledged that it would not be the first time such a controversial step was taken by the head of the opposition from the Likud.

“It’s clear to everyone that the next crisis with Ra’am is only a matter of time,” the spokesman said. “This past week was not ideal for the opposition, but we won’t give up. They have dozens of bills in the pipeline that we stopped. They aren’t even trying to pass them. Even some they put on the agenda they took back. This doesn’t look like a government that can last very long. It can last a few weeks, but it is bound to end soon.”

In the weeks ahead, the coalition intends to continue the strategy that worked this week. Uncontroversial socioeconomic legislation will be advanced. Bills that do not have a consensus will have to wait.

Coalition bills will be put on the agenda only if a majority is obtained for them well in advance. Opposition bills will be passed by the coalition if they make sense and do not cost money, as eight were on Wednesday.

De facto coalition chairman Boaz Toporovsky said he intends to proceed with caution, knowing full well that there are plenty of sharks ready to attack. But he was not afraid of exulting about the opposition backing down from bringing the Knesset dissolution bill to a vote.

“The opposition surrendered and pulled back the bill,” Toporovsky said. “Another political spin crashed. They are scared. They know they have no majority, neither in the Knesset nor in the public. I recommend that all our doubters wait patiently and watch our government be strong and function. The unified coalition will continue to come to the Knesset and work hard for the entire Israeli public.”

Courtesy: The Jerusalem Post